EEYOLUTIONAEY SEEYICES 

AND 

CIVIL LIFE 

OF 

GENERAL ¥ILLIAM HULL; 

/ 

PREPARED FROM fflS MANUSCRIPTS, 

BT HIS DAUGHTER, 



MRS. MARIACAMPBELL 

1/ 



TOGETHER WITH THE 

HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OE 1812, 



SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT, 

BY HIS GRANDSON, 

JAMES FREEMAN CLARKE. 



NEW-YORK: 

D. APPLETON & CO., 200 BROADWAY. 

PHILADELPHIA : 

GEO. S. APPLETON, 148 CHESNUT-STREET. 

M DCCC XLVni. ^ .. . 



\\^.M k. 






E35'3 

O^tWa '2- 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year of our Lord 1847, 

By E. F. CAMPBELL, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Southern District of New- York. 



TO THE READER. 



In arranging and collating this manuscript, my 
desire is not to take more credit to myself, than com- 
mon industry can claim ; neither would I render my 
father responsible for my failures, when I have been 
obliged to speak in other language than his own. 

General Hull left behind him Memoirs of his Rev- 
olutionary Services, in MS., which he had written 
for the gratification of his children and grandchildren. 
Thesp memoirs are the basis of the present work. 
His spirit pervades the whole, and my endeavour has 
been, that it should not be obscured. The facts are 
in substance precisely as he has related them. But 
as his MS. was not prepared for the press, it was 
necessary, to a certain extent, that the arrangement 
of the work, and sometimes the style, should be 
changed.. When General Hull is spoken of, it will 
be noticed throughout the book, that the first and 
third persons are indiscriminately used. 

In the chapter concerning Captain Hale, 1 have 
more fully unfolded sentiments expressed by my fa- 
ther in his last interview with that noble young man. 
In the work generally, I have introduced remarks not 
found in the MS., but which were familiar to my re- 



Jy TO THE READER. 

collection from our frequent interchange of thought, 
as he always conversed with his children, as though 
they were his equals. He rarely spoke of himself, of 
his sufferings, or of his services rendered to his country. 
It was at the earnest entreaties of his children, that 
he took up the pen. The feelings of the soldier gave 
alacrity to the work, and it was completed. He 
wrote without view to publication, and directed his 
family to look for the connecting links of the narra- 
tive, in the histories of the Revolution. 

The death of General Hull took place before the 
" Writings of Washington," by Jared Sparks, were 
published ; but the faithfulness of his memory is ex- 
hibited in comparing his MS. with the authentic 

documents of that most valuable work. 

EDITOR. 

Aus^usta. Georgia, 1845. 



Copy of a Letter from Jared Sparks, Esq., to the 
Rev. James F. Clarke. 

Salem, July 31st, 1847. 

Dear Sir, — I have perused the manuscript 
which you sent to nie, relating to the Revolutionary 
Services and Civil Life of General Hull. The whole 
appears to me to be written with close attention to 
the facts of history ; and it derives great value from 
the circumstance of its containing a record of the 
observations of General Hull himself on numerous 
public events in which he took a part, or with which 
he was personally acquainted. Having been an offi- 
cer in the army during the whole war of the Revolu- 
tion, engaged in many actions, and highly estimated 
for his military talents and character, he was necessa- 
rily connected with stirring incidents, which are well 
described in this work. 

I have also read, with a lively interest, the chap- 
ters on the Campaign of 1812.'^ The narrative is 
clear and full, and whatever judgment may be formed 
of the result, the particulars here set forth, give evi- 
dence of having been drawn from the highest 
sources ; and they are exhibited in such a manner, as 
to present the controverted points in a just light. 



Vi LETTER FROM JARED SPARKS, ESQ. 

These are my impressions, upon a hasty perusal of 
the manuscripts, and I doubt not they would be sus- 
tained by a more careful study. 
I am, dear sir. 

Respectfully and truly yours, 

JARED SPARKS. 



PREFACE. 



If principle be of any value, its power wil be 
felt and exhibited in the hour of adversity. Weak is 
the man, who, after having laid down to himself a rule 
of virtuous action, is diverted from it, by the frustra--' 
tion of his plans and the disappointment of his hopes. 
But when amidst the painful vicissitudes of life, he 
keeps his onward course, exhibiting the same can- 
dour, dignity, and strength, which marked him in 
more prosperous days, we learn the useful lesson, that 
there is a sustaining power in our nature which, co- 
operating with that from above, gives peace to the 
soul amidst its severest trials. 

Many an individual more highly distinguished 
than General Hull, has descended to the grave with- 
out a record of his public services or private worth. 
But the manceuvering of the Politician will some-^ 
times fix, with more distinctness and permanency, the 
laurel on the brow which his hand was raised to de- 
stroy. Had it not been for a persecution as severe 
as it was unmerited, the zeal, the ability, the faithful- 
ness and the patriotism of General Hull in his 
country's service, might never have been made public, 
to sustain him in the hearts of the American people* 



viii PREFACE. 

And so trusting, so satisfied is conscious innocence, 
in the approbation of a higher Power ; so modest in 
its claims to notice, that perhaps not even this would 
have been done, had not children, in the warmth and 
respect of filial love, urged and claimed the boon. 

Political necessity is the plea ever offered for 
transferring the errors of an administration to an in- 
dividual, however innocent : and the sacred rights of 
character are thus sacrificed on the altar of popular 
feeling. If such be the practice of an enlightened, 
Christian government, who can expect, in the hour 
of adversity, the justice to which services and virtues 
are entitled ? Even Washington, with all the high 
perfection of his character, did not escape, when 
faction and interest judged his conduct. 

The heart sickens, while contemplating suffering, 
produced, not by the depravity of one man, who 
would blush to do the deed alone, but from the in- 
sensibility of the many, when acting together. The 
laws of morality cease then to operate ; and hence, 
as has ever been the case, individuals have been sac- 
rificed, to shield depraved or imbecile governments. 

How different would have been the fate of Ad- 
miral Byng, whose sad history " is the deepest stain 
on the memory of Chatham, and the deepest dis- 
grace of George II. and his Ministers," had the 
administration, generously and with moral courage, 
shielded him from calumny and outrage, under the 
first burst of a nation's disappointment! 
^ When General Hull left Washington, in 1312, to 
take the command of the Northwestern Army, he 



PREFACE. ix 

was assured by the Government, that a naval force 
would be placed on Lake Erie, to keep open his com-- 
munication with his country, and that his army would 
be reinforced, before war was declared. Having ar- 
rived at Urbana, in the State of Ohio, where 
his army had assembled, he cut a road from 
that place through the wilderness, for nearly two hun- 
dred miles, and reached the river Miami, seventy-two 
miles below Detroit, Here he availed himself of the 
water communication to send on the sick, with his 
military stores and baggage. By mistake, a trunk 
containing the papers of General Hull was put on 
board the same vessel. After she had sailed. Gene- 
ral Hull received a letter, announcing that on the 
18th of June war had been declared. Thus fourteen 
days had passed before he was apprised of a fact so- 
important to the safety of his army, while the British^ 
at Fort Maiden had four or five days previously, beeit 
possessed of the information. The vessel was cap- 
tured, and the consequent possession of this portion of 
the papers of General Hull was made the ground on, 
which the charge of treason was predicated. 

After the surrender of the fortress of Detroit, 
when General Hull was taken a prisoner to Montreal, 
he judged it best to commit his remaining papers, 
with other valuable articles, to the care of his daugh- 
ter, Mrs. Hickman, who, with her family, was short- 
ly to take her departure for her paternal residence^, 
in Newton, Massachusetts. The brig Adams, in 
which they sailed, was an American vessel, but had 
been captured by the British. The brig arrived in th© 



PREFACE. 



evening near Buffalo, and Mrs. Hickman was put on 
shore, assured by the captain that her baggage would 
be sent to her in the morning. In the course of the 
night, the brig was attacked by our sailors, under the 
command of Captain Elliott, and in the contest was 
burnt. By this event, the remaining papers of Gene- 
ral Hull were destroyed. 

In the public offices at Washington, there were 
duplicates of letters and other papers, sent by Gene- 
ral Hull to the different Departments, while Governor 
of the Michigan Territory. To possess copies of 
these documents, was necessary to his justification. 
Previously to his trial, he made application for them. 
They pointed to the necessity of a naval force on 
Lake Erie ; and for troops, required for the garrison 
of Detroit, Michilimackinac, and Chicago, to enable 
the army to maintain a defensive position, or success- 
fully to carry on an offensive war against the British 
and Indians. But the exertions of friends, joined to 
his own efforts to obtain copies of these papers, were 
unavailing. 

When the trial of General Hull closed in 1814, 
he yet hoped to give to his fellow-citizens a detailed 
history of the Northwestern Campaign. Anterior to 
that period, he had published nothing in his defence, 
persevering in a dignified silence, while constantly 
assailed in the public prints, with contumely and the 
grossest falsehoods. So exaggerated was the abuse, 
that to every reflecting mind, it carried with it the 
materials for its own refutation. Again and again 
were his hopes crushed by a failure in procuring 



PREFACE. 3j| 

copies of these important documents. Finally, he 
yielded, without temper and without recrimination, to 
these last acts of injustice, which the rulers of the 
nation, at this critical period of their power, consid- 
'ered expedient, if not necessary to their safety. 

At the expiration of nearly twelve years, the 
Honourable John C. Calhoun was appointed Secre- 
tary of War= General Hull made one more effort, 
and on his application to that officer, most of the pa- 
pers, previously applied for, were immediately for- 
warded to him. 

As soon as he became possessed of these docu- 
ments, he gave to the public a Memoir of the Cam- 
paign of the Northwestern Army — and in the confi- 
dence of innocence and truth, appealed to his coun- 
trymen for a reversal of a sentence which could be 
viewed as no less cruel than unjust.* 

These Memoirs have been before the public for 
more than eighteen years, and those of his fellow- 
citizens who have read them, have risen from their 
perusal satisfied that the cause of failure in the un- 
successful invasion of Canada, was not to be imputed 
to the commanding officer, but to an administration 
that had rushed into war without foresight or prepar- 
ation. Almost every engagement pledged by the 
Government for the support of their army was violated. 
General Hull was sent forth with a band of brave, 
but undisciplined yeomanry, most of whom had seen 

* General Hull was sentenced to dent, under the recommendation of 
be shot, under the charge of cow- the Court Martial, on account of his 
-■ardice, but pardoned by the Presi- Revolutionary services. 



xii PREFACE. 

no service, to contend with the numerous and well- 
trained army of Britain, aided by her savage allies, 
not only unsupported, but deserted by his Govern- 
ment. 

But under all these untoward circumstances, 
General Hull could have sustained his post at Detroit, 
had not an armistice, now a portion of history, been 
entered into with the enemy by General Dearborn, 
to the exclusion of General Hull's army, and without 
his knowledge. It was this, together with previous 
neglect on the part of General Dearborn to concen- 
trate troops at Niagara, which enabled General Brock, 
with an overwhelming force, suddenly to come against 
and overpower him. 

General Dearborn was Commander-in-chief of 
the American forces. He was stationed on the Ni- 
agara river, two hundred and fifty miles below De- 
troit. His orders were to keep the enemy in check, 
or to act offensively, as occasion might offer, and to 
co-operate with the army of General Hull. 

Instead of obeying these orders, he agreed to a 
suspension of hostilities with Sir George Prevost, the 
Commanding General of the King's forces, and stipu- 
lates that it is to the exclusion of General HulPs army ; 
the very point to be gained by his wily adversary. 

The period of five days allowed ample time for 
the British to ascend the Lake and capture the 
American forces at Detroit. A ruse de guerre, cred- 
itable to the acuteness of the enemy, but a sad re- 
flection on the military genius of the Commander-in- 
chief of the American army. 



PREFACE. jjjjj 

General Hull received no official information of 
this arrangement between the two hostile armies, 
until twelve days after it had taken place, and four 
days after his army had surrendered to General 
Brock ; from whom he first learned the astounding 
fact. 

Among other papers for which application was 
made at the seat of Government, General Hull 
asked for a copy of this fatal armistice ; none was 
ever furnished, but the fact is recorded, and its disas- 
trous effects on the issue of the campaign can no 
longer be gainsayed by the most prejudiced mind. 

At the period of the late war, Mr. Jefferson had 
retired from office, but his pen was still exerted to 
support the measures of his party, and the Adminis- 
tration of 1812. He was familiar with the character 
of General Hull, in the military, civil, and social re- 
lations of life ; and he generously testifies to his merit 
in a letter to Colonel Duane, at the first intelligence 
of the surrender of the Northwestern Army. He 
writes : 

" The character of General Hull, as an officer of 
skill and bravery, was established on the trials of the 
last war, and no previous act of his life had led to doubt 
his fidelity."* Yet it is not long before we perceive, 
in another letter, that political necessity obliges this 
distinguished individual to speak a different language. 
In a letter to General Dearborn, the negotiator of 
Che armistice, he writes : 

* Jeiferson's Memoirs, VoL IV., page 181. 



Xiv PREFACE. 

" After the disasters produced by the treason, or 
the cowardice, or both, of Hull, and the follies of 
some others,"* &:c., &c. 

But his first communication, uninfluenced by the 
bias of political necessity, and while yielding to the 
sober dictates of truth, with a full recollection of 
faithful services, was but a just tribute to a man, on 
whose public and private life, a steady and unclouded 
light had rested for forty years, eight years of which 
period he had served to gain our Independence. 

Finally, at the age of sixty-one, General Hull 
was summoned before a court martial to answer to 
crimes, of which the thought had never entered his 
mind. His appointed judges were men high in mili- 
tary rank and titles, but many of whom had obtained 
that elevation and distinction without having ren- 
dered any service to their country. 

In the defence before the court martial, while an- 
imadverting upon the testimony of some of the wit- 
nesses introduced on the part of the prosecution. 
General Hull says : " It seems extraordinary that 
there has not been a witness examined on the part of 
the prosecution, who has not been promoted since he 
was under my command. A great majority of the 
young gentlemen, who have been called by the 
Judge Advocate, have appeared, decorated with their 
epaulets ; these have been bestowed, and sometimes 
with the augmentation of a star, upon gentlemen 
who began their military career with my unfortunate 
campaign. By what services many of these gentle- 

* Jefferson's Memoirs, Vol. IV., page 258, 



PREFACE. XV 

men have merited such rapid promotion, I have not 
learned. But if it all arises out of their achievements 
while under my command, I must say, that it appears 
to me, my expedition was more prolific of promotion, 
than any other unsuccessful military enterprise I ever 
heard of."* 

Without counsel to speak in his defence, he stood 
before the court unaided, except by his own vigorous 
mind and a clear and calm conscience. 

In the following narrative of the Revolutionary 
services of General Hull, there will rarely be found 
allusion to that act of his life, which was at once his 
glonj and his shame ; — the surrender of the fortress 
of Detroit to the British arms. It was his glonj, be- 
cause he had " dared to do his duty."t It was his 
shame, because the epithets of traitor and coward 
were attached to a name, that had remained untar- 
nished for more than half a century. It had stood 
the test of temptation, in the dangerous hours of 
prosperity — in the possession of wealth, and in the 
acquisition of much honourable distinction, in public 
and private life. Prosperity did not elate, nor did 
adversity depress ; the same virtues shone, equally 
bright, in both estates. 

The thirteen years that succeeded his changed 
fortunes, were spent in the peaceful pursuits of ag- 
riculture ; in the calm of a quiet conscience, in the 
possession of the affection and respect of virtuous 
friends ; blessed by the happiest relations of the do- 

* General Hull's Trial, page 64. his wife, respecting the surrender 
f Extract from the first letter to while a prisoner at Montreal. 



XVI 



PREFACE. 



mestic fireside, and surrounded by a numerous pro- 
geny of affectionate children and grandchildren, 
each striving to cheer his declining years, and all 
cherishing, with filial reverence, the virtues of their 
patriot sire. 

To the latest moment of his life, when aware he 
was on the verge of eternity, in the full possession 
of his mental powers. General Hull still breathed his 
thanks to his Heavenly Father, that he had been the 
instrument of saving from the cruelties of a savage 
foe, a people who expected and demanded protection 
at his hands.* 

One generation since that trying hour has grown 
into manhood and imbibed the poison of falsehood 
from our school-books, while studying the history of 
the Northwestern Campaign. Another promising 
band is now receiving the same distorted views, over 
which it is hoped truth will sooner or later triumph. 

Such are the returns rendered to a soldier of the 
Revolution, who, through long and trying years of se- 
vere service, aided to secure the sweets of liberty and 
all its associated advantages of moral and religious 
education. 

To my interesting and beloved young country- 
men, the present work is dedicated ; and when the 
youthful student learns what the soldier of 1776 per- 
formed, he will more readily be convinced by truth 
and facts, that he was altogether innocent of the 
charges of which he was accused in 1812. 

* General Hull was the Governor well as Commander of tlie army at 
of the Territory of Michigan as this time. 



CONTENTS. 



To THE Reader iii 

Letter from Jared Sparks, Esq v 

Preface vii 

CHAPTER I. 

Early Life of William Hull. — He joins the Army of Washington 
AT Cambridge, in July, 1775 17 

CHAPTER 11. 

Siege of Boston. — Washington takes possession of Dorchester Heights. 
— Evacuation of Boston by Sir William Howe . . . .25 

CHAPTER m. 

Execution of Captain Hale and Major Andre. — Parallel drawn 
between these two Officers 31 

CHAPTER IV. 

Battle of Chatterton Hill, at the White Plains . . . .52 

CHAPTER V. 

Battle of Trenton. — Captain Hull acts as Field Officer in the 
absence of Major Brooks 58 

CHAPTER VI. 

Critical State of the Country. — Washington's efforts to prevent 
the troops from returning to their homes. — Promotion of Captain 
Hull. — Battle of Princeton 63 

CHAPTER Vn. 

Retreat of General St. Clair from Ticonderoga . . . .72 



Xviii CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER Vffl. 

General Arnold marches to the relief of Fort Stanwix. — Trial 
OF Butler. — Retreat of Gen. St. Leger. . . . : . 80 

CHAPTER IX. 

General Schuyler sxtperseded in command of the Northern Army 
BY General Gates 87 

CHAPTER X. 

Burgoyne's Campaign. — Battle of the Nineteenth of September . 92 

CHAPTER XI. 

Battle of the Seventh of October. — Surrender of the British Army 
wnder Burgoyne 99 

CHAPTER XII. 

Valley-Forge. — Sufferings of the American Army . . .112 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Baron Steuben appointed a Major-General in the Army. — Lafayette 
SENT WITH a Detachment to watch the Enemy. — His escape from 
THE British Army. — Major Hull in the Detachment sent to rein- 
force HIM. — Meeting of Lafayette and General Hull in 1824 . 126 

CHAPTER XIV. 

The Battle of Monmouth 133 

CHAPTER XV. 

Major Hull's Command on the Lines 142 

CHAPTER XVI. 

Capture of Stony Point 155 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Promotion of Major Hull to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. — He 
is transferred from the Eighth to the Third Massachusetts 
Regiment. — Appointed a Commissioner to present a Petition to 
the Legislature of Massachusetts, for the relief of the Officers 
AND Soldiers. — Appointed Inspector in the Army, under Baron 
Steuben 171 



CONTENTS. Xix 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

State of the Currency. — Mutinies in the Pennsylvania and Jersey 
Lines. — Expedition of Lieutenant-Colonel Hull against Morris- 
SANiA. — Marriage of Colonel Hull • 178 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Colonel Hull despatched by General Washington to Count de Ro- 
chambeau. — Plan of attack on New- York and other points. — 
Change of the scene of operations from New-York to York- 
town. — Capture of the army of Cornwallis. — Washington takes 

LEAVE OF the ArMY ......... 199 



CHAPTER XX. 

Disbanding of the Army. — Establishment of the Society of Cincin- 
nati. — Mission to Quebec . .211 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Shays' Rebellion 218 

CHAPTER XXII. 

The Spirit of Disaffection continues. — Instructions to the Repre- 
sentative OF the Town of Newton, Massachusetts, prepared by 
Colonel Hull . . , 228 

CHAPTER XXni. 

Petition to Congress for Pay of Officers and Soldiers of the 
Revolutionary Army 240 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

Indian War. — Colonel Hull appointed a Commissioner to Upper 
Canada, to make arrangements for a Treaty with the Indians. — 
Interview with Governor Simcoe . . . . . .251 

CHAPTER XXV. 

Colonel Hull visits Europe. — Address to the President of the 
United States, John Adams, and his answer, in relation to 
THE Militia of the County of Middlesex 261 



XX 



CONTENTS. 



APPENDIX. 
I. 

Colonel Hull's conversation with Governor Simcoe (in 1793) re- 
specting Washington's escape from Cornwallis at Trenton, New- 
Jersey 267 

11. 

Three letters from the Honourable Horace Binney, of Philadelphia, 
to a daughter of General William Hull. — Extract of a letter 

FROM an officer OF DISTINCTION (MaJOR HuLL) IN THE NORTHERN 

Army, dated July 17, 1777, taken from the " Connecticut Cou- 
RANT," Hartford, July 28, 1777 269 



III. 

Letters to Major Hull, commanding on the Lines in 1779 



. 277 



IV. 

Extract of a letter from Mrs. Hull to one of her daughters, dated 
April 12, 1822 284 



Extracts from a Journal of Colonel Hull, while Commissioner to 
treat with the British and hold treaties with the Indians in 
1794 286 



ERRATA. 

Page vii. 1. 1, for wil read will. 

18, 1. 25, for Housatonnuc read Housatonic. 

28, 1. 21, and p. 76, 1. 20, for Thatcher read Thacher. 

45, 1. 5, for close read Clove. 

54, 55, for Branx read Bronx. 

74, 1. 3, for icithia read within. 

76, 1. 1, for thai read that. 

80, 1. 19, for Oanesvoort read Oansevoort. 
306, 1. 24, for nth read Uth. 
317, 1. 24, for regular times read regiUations. 
319, 1. 24, after could read not. 
389, bottom line, for JVote id read J\''ote 3(/. 
410, close, for has at last illuminated read will at last illuminate. 



REVOLUTIONAHY SERVICES AND CIVIL LIFE 



OF 



GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 



CHAPTER I. 

Early Life of William Hctll. — He joins the Akmt of Washington at 
Cambridge, in July, 1775. 

1775. 

William Hull was born at Derby, Connecticut, 
24th June, 1753. His great-grandfather, Joseph 
Hull, emigrated from Derbyshire, England, and set- 
tled in Derby, Connecticut. His grandfather, Joseph 
Hull, survived his father but a few years. 

Joseph Hull, the father of the subject of these 
Memoirs, while following the agricultural pursuits of 
his ancestors, was Hkewise engaged in the councils 
of his country. 

He was elected a member of the State Legisla- 
ture for many successive years. His immediate de- 
scendants, consisted of six sons and two daughters. 
Joseph was the eldest. In early life, he engaged in 
2 



18 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

the West India trade. At the commencement of the 
war of the Revolution, he received the appointment 
of Lieutenant of Artillery, and was made prisoner at 
the capture of Fort Washington, on York Island, in 
1776. 

In defence of this Fortress, he is reputed to have 
behaved with great gallantry. He remained in cap- 
tivity two years. At length he was exchanged, and 
his unbroken spirit was once more given to the ser- 
vice of his country. 

Shortly after, he was appointed to the command 
of some boats on Long Island Sound, formerly used 
in the whale fishery, but now fitted out to annoy the 
enemy, as opportunity might offer. In this limited 
but dangerous sphere of action, he gave earnest of 
a mind and spirit, which under other circumstances 
would probably have developed more important 
results. 

On one occasion, a British armed schooner was 
lying in the Sound. She was engaged in transport- 
ing provisions from the country to New- York, where 
the British army was then stationed. Lieutenant 
Hull proposed to some of his companions of the town 
of Derby to go out and capture the schooner. 

Derby stands on the Housatonnuc river, about 
twelve miles from its entrance into the Sound. On 
the evening appointed, twenty men, placing them- 
selves under the command of Lieutenant Hull, em- 
barked in a large boat, similar to those used in carry- 
ing wood to the city of New-York. The men lay 
concealed in the bottom of the boat ; and the dusk 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. |9 

of the evening favouring the deception, it had the 
appearance of being loaded with wood. As they ap- 
proached the vessel, the sentinel on deck hailed 
them. 

Lieutenant Hull, who was steering, answered the 
call, but continuing his course, came quite near the 
vessel, without exciting suspicion, when, by a sudden 
movement, he drew close along side of her. His 
men, well armed, sprang to her deck. The com- 
mander of the schooner was sleeping below, and 
aroused by the firing of the sentinel, he made an at- 
tempt to gain the deck, but was instantly shot dead. 

The Americans immediately fastened down the 
hatches, took possession of the vessel, and carried 
her in triumph up to the town. 

This gallant soldier was the father of Commo- 
dore Hull, who, by his coolness and intrepidity, was 
the first to give to America the knowledge of her 
naval superiority, as exhibited in his celebrated escape 
from a British squadron and afterwards by his victory 
over the " Gwemer." 

Samuel Hull served as a Lieutenant a part of 
the war, and was reputed a brave man. Isaac passed 
his life in agricultural pursuits. Levi died young. 
Elizabeth married a respectable farmer, and settled in 
Vermont. Sarah married in Derby, and soon after 
died. David was too young at the period of the 
war, to be enrolled with his brothers, in the service of 
his country. He graduated at Yale College, and be- 
came a distinguished physician, in Fairfield, Connec- 
ticut, where he settled and died. He married the 



20 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

daughter of Andrew Elliott, D. D., of Boston. Doc- 
tor Hull passed his life in extensive professional use- 
fulness, respected and beloved by a large circle of 
his fellow-citizens. He died, a faithful disciple of 
his Saviour, in the spring of 1834. 

William, the fourth son, and the subject of this 
Memoir, was sent at an early period to reside with 
his grandfather Hull. He attended a New England 
school, and was instructed in the common branches 
of English education. Residing on a farm, he work- 
ed daily in the fields, and here he acquired that taste 
for agricultural pursuits, which was his solace, when 
the dark and heavy clouds of adversity gathered thick- 
ly around the gray hairs of declining years. In this 
employment he strengthened a naturally good con- 
stitution, which secured the enjoyment of uninterrupt- 
ed health. It may here be remarked, that a vigor- 
ous body and sound mind are often united through 
a long life, when the early years of childhood are 
given to active and healthful employments, and the 
mind is not hurried into premature cultivation. 

It being decided that VVihiam should receive a 
liberal education, his father sent for him to return 
home. His grandfather remonstrated, for he could 
not sympathize with the more enlarged views of an- 
other generation. He loved the affectionate and 
industrious boy, and his old heart grieved to part with 
him. " Billy," he said, ^' is a pure boy to work : it 
is a shame to take him to College." 

But the young plough-boy soon proved that he 
had mental as well as physical strength. He studied 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 21 

with the Rev. Mr. Leavensworth, a highly respected 
divine, and entered Yale College at the age of fifteen 
years. At the expiration of four years, he graduated 
with honour. The English oration was assigned him 
at Commencement, and his College life, as well as 
his performance on this occasion, gave satisfaction to 
his friends and all who were interested in his youthful 
career, now opening with such fair promise. 

His first occupation after leaving College was the 
charge of a school. He has often been heard to say, 
that " this was among the happiest years of his life." 
But his parents anxiously desired that he should be- 
come a clergyman. Without the fixed bias for this 
profession, which he deemed essential, he commenced 
the study of Divinity, rather from motives of filial 
affection, than from a conviction of religious duty. 
He studied for a year with Dr. Wates, subsequently 
Professor of Theology in Yale College. But he was 
too deeply impressed with the sacred trust devolving 
on a minister of the gospel, to assume its responsi- 
bilities without a single eye to the glory of God, and 
a distinct call from the Holy Spirit. He therefore 
withdrew from these studies, though with reluctance, 
inasmuch as he disappointed the hopes his parents 
had cherished in reference to the clerical profession. 
After this decision, he attached himself to the cele- 
brated Law School in Litchfield, Connecticut, and 
was admitted to the bar in 1775. 

The war with Great Britain was now the subject 
of universal interest, and with others of his country- 
men did the young barrister sympathize in views 



<22 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

and feelings, which soon gave a new direction to his 
mind. But he maintained a reserve in regard to his 
inclinations, which he foresaw would soon ripen into 
action. 

His father returned one evening from a meeting 
of the citizens of Derby. He said to his son, " Who 
do you suppose has been elected Captain of the 
company raised in this town ?" He named several. 
His father replied, " It is yourself." He hesitated not 
in accepting the appointment, so unexpectedly of- 
fered by his townsmen ; and prepared himself to join 
the regiment of Colonel Webb, then being raised by 
the State. At this interesting moment, his father 
was seized with a severe illness, which soon termi- 
nated his useful life. 

By his will, the property, respectable for the 
times, was bequeathed to his widow and children. 
William refused to receive any part of it. He said, 
" I vt^ant only my sword and my uniform." With a 
full, but resolute heart, he left his peaceful home, and 
his afflicted family, to give his services to his country, 
then contending for rights which neither remonstrance 
nor patience, but force only could obtain. His com- 
pany immediately joined the regiment which marched 
to Cambridge, the head-quarters of General Wash- 
ington. 

The first incident recorded by Captain Hull, on 
his arrival in camp, is a striking illustration of the 
deficiency of military order, discipline and etiquette, 
with which Washington had to contend throughout 
the war. A body of the enemy landed at Lechmere's 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 23 

Point, on the main land. It was expected an attack 
would be made on the American lines. The alarm 
was given, and the troops ordered to their respective 
stations. When the regiment of Col. Webb was 
formed for action, the captains and subalterns ap- 
peared, dressed in long cloth frocks, with kerchiefs 
tied about their heads. Captain Hull was the only 
man in uniform. The officers inquired " why he 
came out in full dress ; — that the regiment was going 
into action, and that he would be a mark for the ene- 
my's hre." He replied, " that he thought the uni- 
form of an officer was designed to aid his influence 
and increase his authority over his men — and if ever 
important in these points, it was more particularly so 
in the hour of battle." They referred to their expe- 
rience, remarking that " in the French war it was 
not customary, and they had never worn it." Captain 
Hull yielded to age and experience, sent his servant 
for a frock and kerchief, and dressed himself after 
the fashion of his companions. His company was in 
advance of the British lines. While at this station, 
General Washington and suite, in the course of re- 
viewing the troops, stopped at the redoubt and asked 
"what officer commanded there." "With feelings 
of inexpressible mortification," says General Hull, 
" I came forward in my savage costume, and reported 
that Captain Hull had the honour of commanding 
the redoubt." As soon as General Washington 
passed on, Captain Hull availed himself of the first 
moment to despatch his servant with all possible speed 
to bring him his uniform. As he put it on, he quiet- 



24 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

ly resolved, never more to subscribe to the opinions 
of men, however lojal and brave in their country's 
service, whose views were so little in unison with his 
own. After the trooj^s had waited four or five hours 
in expectation of an attack, the enemy returned to 
his encampment, having no other object in making 
the descent than to procure provisions. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 25 



CHAPTER II. 

Siege of Boston. — Washington takes possession of Dorchester Heights. 
— Evacuation of Boston by Sir William Howt:. 

1776. 

In October, General Gage was recalled and Gen- 
eral Howe appointed in his place, to take command of 
the troops in Boston. On the land side, the town 
was blockaded by the Americans. The eyes of the 
whole country were upon Washington and expecta- 
tion at its highest pitch. It was believed that he had 
an army adequate to every emergency, and that the 
British General would soon yield to the force of his 
arms. But faint were the hopes of the American 
General of such an issue. Yet, trusting in an over- 
ruling Providence, his strength rose in proportion to 
his difficulties. 

In a letter to a friend, he says : — " I know 
the unhappy predicament in which I stand; I 
know that much is expected of me ; I know that 
without men, without arms, without ammunition, 
without any thing fit for the accommodation of a 
soldier, little is to be done ; and what is mortifying, I 
know that I cannot stand justified to the world, with- 
out exposing my own weakness, and injuring the 
cause, by declaring my wants, which I am deter- 



26 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

mined not to do, farther than unavoidable necessity 
brings every man acquainted with them. My situa- 
tion is so irksome to me at times, that if I did not 
consult the public good more than my own tranquillity, 
I should long ere this have put every thing on the 
cast of a die. So far from my having an army of 
twenty thousand men, well armed, I have been here 
with less than half that number, including sick, fur- 
loughed, and on command ; and those neither armed 
nor clothed as they should be. In short, my situa- 
tion has been such, that I have been obliged to use 
art to conceal it from my own officers."* 

A resolution had been passed in Congress which 
Washington viewed as an expression of their wishes, 
that he should make an attack on Boston. To this 
he was fully inclined, and he begged Congress to do 
him the justice to consider that circumstances, not 
inclination, occasioned the delay. He says, " It is 
not in the pages of History to furnish a case like ours. 
To maintain a post within musket shot of the enemy, 
for six months together, without ammunition, and at 
the same time to disband one army and recruit an- 
other, within that distance of twenty odd British 
regiments, is more than probably ever was attempted. 
But if we succeed as well in the latter as we have 
hitherto done in the former, I shall think it the most 
fortunate event of my whole life."! 

Such were the difficulties which embarrassed the 



* Sparks' Life and Writings of f Marshall's Washington, Vol. XL, 
Washington, Vol. I., page 170. page 3-10. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 27 

movements of the Commander-in-chief. The short 
enUstment of the troops furnished no opportunity for 
their improvement in discipline. The officers were 
unable to establish their authority, and insubordina- 
tion and misrule prevailed. General Washington 
says in one of his letters to Congress ; " To make 
men well acquainted with the duties of a soldier, re- 
quires time. To bring them under proper discipline 
and subordination, not only requires time, but is a 
work of great difficulty ; and in this army, where 
there is so little distinction between officers and sol- 
diers, requires an uncommon degree of attention. 
To expect, then, the same service from raw and un- 
disciplined recruits, as from veteran soldiers, is to 
expect what never did, and perhaps never will hap- 
pen." * 

To dislodge the enemy from Boston, before they 
received reinforcements, was an object of the highest 
importance. To effect this, four or five thousand 
troops were enlisted in Massachusetts, but a council 
of war decided almost unanimously against the attack, 
principally on the ground of the want of ammuni- 
tion, — and to General Washington's great regret the 
measure was abandoned. 

It has been a question why General Howe, with 
a force of ten thousand men, did not attack the be- 
sieging army ; and it is supposed to have resulted, 
either from ignorance of its weakness, or from the 
express orders of his government, to put nothing to 

* Marshall's Washington, Vol. II., page 345. 



28 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

hazard. As the attack on Boston was abandoned, 
Washington decided to take possession of Dorchester 
Heights, which he east of the town and entirely com- 
mand it. This step, if successful, would force the 
British to evacuate. To deceive the enemy and fa- 
cihtate the execution of the plan, a heavy bombard- 
ment and fire was kept up from Lechmere's Point, 
Cobble Hill and Roxbury, together with other posi- 
tions in the neighbourhood of the enemy. This took 
place on the second of March. On the night of the 
fourth, immediately after our firing began, a body of 
American troops, under the command of General 
Thomas, in which was Captain Hull's company, 
marched from Roxbury to the Heights, and having 
prepared fascines, for the construction of the works 
by hand-labour, at morning light a barrier had been 
raised to screen them from the enemy. A severe 
but ineffectual fire was directed by the British 
against our works, and General Howe deemed it ne- 
cessary to dislodge our troops from their position, or 
he could no longer hold the town. Dr. Thatcher, in 
his Military Journal, who was a witness of what he 
narrates, gives a lively description of these events. 

Here Washington showed the genius and resolu- 
tion of the soldier. In one night he made himself 
master of ground that left no alternative to his adver- 
sary, but to fight or evacuate the town. The plan 
was bold, and in the execution of it he was nobly 
sustained by the brave and virtuous yeomanry of New 
England. His ranks were filled ; the munitions of 
war were brought to his aid, and the spirit of so many 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 29 

heroes supplied, for the time, the deficiency of disci- 
pline ; while his single word moved the congregated 
multitude to act with one voice and one heart. 

Napoleon, when addressing his army, just before 
the battle of Moscow, as the sun arose, said, with the 
tact of one who well knew the human heart — ' This 
is the Sun of Austerlitz.^ Washington, at the moment 
when he expected to be engaged in a severe conflict 
with the enemy, exhorted his troops " to bear in mind 
the fifth of March,'''' when the first blood of their 
countrymen was shed in the sacred cause of liberty. 
He has been called the American Fabius, it being 
said, " that the art of avoiding battle, of baffling the 
enemy, and of temporizing, was his talent as well as 
his taste." But we have seen at this period, his fixed 
purpose, to make an attack on Boston, in the hope, 
that it would result in the destruction of the British 
army. In this he was disappointed ; for after the 
decision of three successive councils of war, he was 
obliged to abandon a plan, in the prosecution of which 
he was sanguine of success. Washington combined 
the two indispensable ingredients which form the 
character of the soldier, and when we arrive at the 
stirring scenes of Trenton and of Princeton, when he 
took an offensive position and won two battles in less 
than twenty-four hours, we shall find it difficult to 
admit the assertion that ' avoiding battles, baffling the 
enemy, and temporizing, was his talent as well as his 
taste !' 

Again, in his new position on the Heights, he 
challenges his adversary to battle, and carries out his 



30 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

plans of offensive operations. In the full expectation 
of an assault on Dorchester Heights, his intention 
vi^as, either during or after the battle, should a favour- 
able moment offer,* " to embark from Cambridge 
four thousand chosen men, who, rapidly crossing the 
arm of the sea, should take advantage of the tumult 
and confusion, to attempt the assault of the town." 

Upon General Washington's taking possession of 
Dorchester Heights, General Howe was compelled 
either to attack him immediately in this new and 
strong position or to evacuate the town. For many 
reasons he judged the latter course preferable, and ac- 
cordingly abandoned Boston to the Americans. The 
details of these transactions may be found in Botta, 
and in other histories of the Revolution. 

* Otis's Translation of Botta's History, Vol. 11., page 39. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 3 J 



CHAPTER III. 

Execution of Captain Hale and Major Andre. — Parallel drawn be- 
tween THESE TWO Officers. 

1776. 

The successful termination of the siege of Boston 
rendered the presence of the American army no long- 
er necessary ; and New- York being now the object 
of the enemy, General Washington removed the 
troops to the defence of that city. To obtain this 
position, was highly important to the British, as it 
would, by means of the Hudson, open their communi- 
cation with Canada, and enable them to co-operate 
with the troops in that quarter. 

General Howe sailed from Boston to Halifax, 
where he received reinforcements from England. 
He then bent his course southwardly, and took pos- 
session of Staten Island, near New- York. 

The Americans had been engaged under General 
Greene in fortifying the Heights of Brooklyn. This 
officer was obliged from illness to retire from command, 
and General Sullivan succeeded him. General Put- 
nam was finally sent over, and on him the command 
devolved, four days before the battle commenced. 
The British army, soon after, passed over to Long 
Island, between the Narrows and Sandy Hook. A 



32 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

severe action took place. The force of the Ameri- 
cans was about five thousand — that of the British, 
fifteen thousand men. Lord Stirling's division con- 
sisted of Pennsylvania, Maryland andDelav/are troops. 
They fought with great bravery. General Sullivan's 
corps was attacked on both sides, and after an obsti- 
nate resistance for three hours, he was compelled 
to surrender. The courage and good conduct of all 
the troops were universally acknowledged. Their 
loss was between eleven and twelve hundred, more 
than a thousand of whom were captured. 

General Sullivan and Lord Stirling were among 
the prisoners. In the midstof this sanguinary battle. 
General Washington crossed over to Long Island 
with a part of his army and took possession of Brook- 
lyn Heights. The regiment of Colonel Webb, to 
which Captain Hull was attached, was in this division. 
We saw the carnage of our brave countrymen. The 
soul of Washington seemed bursting with anguish at 
an event so unexpected and distressing. To hasten 
to the succour of his gallant troops, was his first wish; 
but prudence denied this relief, which he had too 
much reason to apprehend could only be secured by 
the sacrifice of his remaining brave soldiers. Besides 
those with him, he had at command the troops in 
New-York, which he might have ordered into the bat- 
tle. But sensible of his inability to contend with the 
powerful army of the British, in the spirit of his usual 
wisdom and self-command he restrained the desire, 
and turned his attention to the best mode of making 
a retreat. " A council of war was called. No time 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 33 

was lost in deliberation. It was resolved to with- 
draw the troops from Long Island. Boats were col- 
lected and ^other preparations were made without 
delay. On the morning of the thirtieth, the whole 
army, amounting to nine thousand men, the military 
stores, nearly all the provisions, and the artillery ex- 
cept a few heavy cannon, were safely landed in New- 
York. 

" With such secrecy, silence and order was every 
thing conducted, that the last boat was crossing the 
river, before the retreat was discovered by the enemy, 
although parties were stationed within six hundred 
yards of the lines. 

" This retreat, in its plan, execution, and success, 
has been regarded as one of the most remarkable 
military events in history, and as reflecting the high- 
est credit on the talents and skill of the Commander. 
So intense was the anxiety of Washington, so un- 
ceasing his exertions, that for forty-eight hours he 
did not close his eyes, and rarely dismounted from his 
horse."* 

It was evident, that the superior force of the 
British, would soon give them possession of New- 
York. The Commmander-in-chief, therefore, took 
a position at Fort Washington, at the other end of 
the Island. To ascertain the further object of the 
enemy, was now a subject of anxious inquiry with 
General Washington. He communicated his wishes 
to Colonel Knowlton, who made it known to Captain 



"Writings of WashiiT^ton," by Spark?, Vol. I., page 192. 

3 



34 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

Hale and other officers of his regiment. Captain 
Hale had recently been transferred from the regiment 
of Colonel Webb to that of Colonel Knowlton. 
There existed a warm friendship between himself 
and Captain Hull. They were of the same age, and 
had been classmates at Yale College. Two years 
after they graduated, the war commenced. They 
heard of the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill. 
Their names were soon enrolled under the standard 
of their country, and they marched in the same regi- 
ment, to join the army of Washington at Cambridge, 
shortly after his arrival in camp. 

Captain Hull had every opportunity to learn the 
true character of his much loved associate, nor can it 
be supposed, that there was a want of discrimination 
in the warm expression of his sentiments. He says 
in his MSS. Memoirs : " There was no young man 
who gave fairer promise of an enlightened and 
devoted service to his country, than this my friend 
and companion in arms. His naturally fine intellect 
had been carefully cultivated, and his heart was filled 
with generous emotions ; but, like the soaring eagle, 
the patriotic ardour of his soul ' winged the dart 
which caused his destruction.' 

" After his interview with Colonel Knowlton, he 
repaired to my quarters, and informed me of what 
had passed. He remarked, ' That he thought he owed 
to his country the accomplishment of an object so 
important, and so much desired by the Commander 
of her armies, and he knew of no other mode of ob- 
taining the information, than by assuming a disguise 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 35 

and passing into the enemy's camp,' He asked my 
candid opinion. I replied, that it was an action which 
involved serious consequences, and the propriety of 
it was doubtful ; and though he viewed the busi- 
ness of a spy as a duty, yet, he could not official- 
ly be required to perform it. That such a service 
was not claimed of the meanest soldier, though 
many might be willing, for a pecuniary compensation, 
to engage in it ; and as for himself, the employment 
was not in keeping with his character. His nature 
was too frank and open for deceit and disguise, and 
he was incapable of acting a part equally foreign 
to his feelings and habits. Admitting that he was 
successful, who would wish success at such a price ? 
Did his country demand the moral degradation of her 
sons, to advance her interests ? Stratagems are 
resorted to in war ; they are feints and evasions, 
performed under no disguise ; are familiar to com- 
manders ; form a part of their plans, and, considered 
in a military view, lawful and advantageous. The 
tact with which they are executed, exacts admiration 
from the enemy. But who respects the character 
of a spy, assuming the garb of friendship but to be- 
tray ? The very death assigned him is expressive of 
the estimation in which he is held. As soldiers, let 
us do our duty in the field ; contend for our legitimate 
rights, and not stain our honour by the sacrifice of 
integrity. And when present events, with all their 
deep and exciting interests, shall have passed away, 
may the blush of shame never arise, by the remem- 
brance of an unworthy, though successful act, in the 



3g REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

performance of which we were deceived by the be- 
lief that it was sanctified by its object. I ended by 
saying, that should he undertake the enterprise, his 
short, bright career, would close with an ignominious 
death. 

" He replied, ' 1 am fully sensible of the conse- 
quences of discovery and capture in such a situation. 
But for a year I have been attached to the army, and 
have not rendered any material service, while re- 
ceiving a compensation, for which I make no return. 
Yet,' he continued, ' I am not influenced by the ex- 
pectation of promotion or pecuniary reward ; I wish 
to be useful, and every kind of service, necessary to 
the public good, becomes honourable by being ne- 
cessary. If the exigencies of my country demand 
a peculiar service, its claims to perform that service 
are imperious.' 

"He spoke with warmth and decision. I replied, 
* That such are your wishes, cannot be doubted. 
But is this the most effectual mode of carrying them 
into execution ? In the progress of the war, there 
will be ample opportunity to give your talents and 
your life, should it be so ordered, to the sacred cause 
to which we are pledged. You can bestow upon 
your country the richest benefits, and win for your- 
self the highest honours. Your exertions for her in- 
terests will be daily felt, while, by one fatal act, you 
crush for ever the power and the o])portunity Heaven 
offers, for her glory and your happiness.' 

" I urged him, for the love of country, for the love 
of kindred, to abandon an enterprise which would 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 37 

only end in the sacrifice of the dearest interests of 
both. 

" He paused — then affectionately taking my hand, 
he said, ' I will reflect, and do nothing but what 
duty demands.' He was absent from the army, and 
I feared he had gone to the British lines, to execute 
his fatal purpose. In a few days an officer came to 
our camp, under a flag of truce, and informed Hamil- 
ton, then a captain of artillery, but afterwards the 
aid of General Washington, that Captain Hale had 
been arrested within the British lines, condemned as 
a spy, and executed that morning. 

" I learned the melancholy particulars from this of- 
ficer, who was present at his execution, and seemed 
touched by the circumstances attending it. 

" He said that Captain Hale had passed through 
their army, both of Long Island and York Island. 
That he had procured sketches of the fortifications, 
and made memoranda of their number and different 
positions. When apprehended, he was taken before 
Sir William Howe, and these papers, found concealed 
about his person, betrayed his intentions. He at once 
declared his name, his rank in the American army, 
and his object in coming within the British lines. 

" Sir William Howe, without the form of a trial, , 
gave orders for his execution the following morning. 
He was placed in the custody of the Provost Marshal, 
who was a Refugee, and hardened to human suffering 
and every softening sentiment of the heart. Captain 
Hale, alone, without sympathy or support, save that 
from above, on the near approach of death asked for 



33 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

a clergyman to attend him. It was refused. He 
then requested a Bible ; that too was refused by his 
inhuman jai!er. 

" ' On the mornin2: of his execution,' continued 
the officer, ' my station was near the fatal spot, and 
I requested the Provost Marshal to permit the pris- 
oner to sit in my marquee, while he was making the 
necessary preparations. Captain Hale entered : he 
was calm, and bore himself with gentle dignity, in 
the consciousness of rectitude and high intentions. 
He asked for writing materials, which I furnished 
him : he wrote two letters, one to his mother and one 
to a brother officer.' He was shortly after summoned 
to the gallows. But a few persons were around 
him, yet his characteristic dying words were remem- 
bered. He said, ' I only regret, that I have but one 
life to lose for my country.' " 

Thus terminated the earthly existence of a man, 
whose country mourned the loss of one of her fairest 
sons, and whose friends wept, in the bitter recollec- 
tion of his untimely fate. 

The Provost Marshal, in the diabolical spirit of 
cruelty, destroyed the letters of his prisoner, and as- 
signed as a reason, " that the rebels should not know 
that they had a man in their army who could die 
with so much firmness." 

The sentence was just, according to the laws of war, 
but the manner of its execution must ever be deplored. 

There is a similarity in the fate of Major Andre 
and that of Captain Hale ; the former of whom ex- 
cited so lively an interest in both armies, while the 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 39 

latter has been rarely alluded to by the historians of 
the Revolution. 

Major Andre was the Adjutant General of the 
British army. He possessed a cultivated mind, 
p-enius in the fine arts, and was the charm of society 
wherever he was known. 

Sir Henry Clinton, who in Sept. 1780 was com- 
manding in New-York, placed the highest confidence 
in his abilities and patriotism. For eighteen months, 
an anonymous correspondence had been held be- 
tween the British Commander and General Arnold, 
when finally Arnold made himself known, and offered 
to deliver to the enemy of his country West Point 
and the neighbouring fortresses in the Highlands, 
then under his immediate command. 

Sir Henry Clinton proposed to Major Andre to 
ascend the Hudson in the Vulture sloop of war, and 
have an interview with General Arnold, that they 
might settle upon a plan, which, if successful, they 
hoped would strike a fatal blow to the liberties of 
America, and thus put an end to the war. 

Andre, it was believed, possessed the talent and 
the tact to negotiate this delicate business. He was 
promised promotion and pecuniary reward. In a 
fatal hour he consented to go ; to meet a traitor ; a 
man low in every thing but military genius : and by 
thus descending, brought ruin on himself, and injured 
the cause, for which he was making such immense 
sacrifices. They met. Their plan was settled ; 
was committed to paper, together with the drawings 
of the fortifications ; all of which were given to Ma- 
jor Andre. 



40 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

The Vulture sloop of war having been fired upon 
hy the Americans, had dropped down the river, but 
soon after returned to her station. 

Joshua Smith, the only person that could be em- 
ployed by Arnold to take Andre back to the vessel, 
became alarmed, it is supposed, on account of the 
firing, and refused to go. This man was perfectly 
ignorant of the nature of the transaction. He believ- 
ed he was acting for his country's interests, and, 
as appeared on his trial, was completely duped by 
Arnold. 

The only alternative for Andre was, to return by 
land. This was full of danger, but the danger must 
be met. 

Major Andre received the pass of General Arnold, 
took off his uniform, assumed the name of John 
Anderson, and crossing the Hudson at Stony Point, 
commenced his perilous journey. He felt his situa- 
tion extremely critical when within the American 
lines, and stopped at their outposts : but the pass of 
Arnold still carried him on with safety. 

At length a guide was no longer necessary, and 
Smith left him and returned home. Andre went on, 
until he arrived within half a mile of Tarrytown. 
Here he was stopped by three men. Their names 
were John Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van 
Wart.* One of them said, " There comes a gentle- 
manlike looking man, who appears to be well dressed, 

* For a most interesting account ferred to Sparks' Life of Benedict 
of the circumstances attending the Arnold, from which some of tlie 
capture of Andre, the reader is re- above particulars are taken. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 4] 

and has boots on, and whom you had better step out 
and stop, if you don't know him."* 

i' On that I got up and presented my firelock at 
the breast of the person, and told him to stand ; and 
then I asked him which way he was going. ' Gen- 
tlemen,' said he, ' 1 hope you belong to our party.' 
1 asked him what party. He said, ' The lower par- 
ty.' Upon that I told him I did. Then he said, 
' I am a British officer, out of the country, on particu- 
lar business, and 1 hope you will not detain me a 
minute ;' — and to show that he was a British officer, 
he pulled out his watch. Upon which, I told him to 
dismount. He then said, ' Well, I must do any 
thing to get along,' and seemed to make a kind of 
laugh of it, and pulled out General Arnold's pass, 
which was to John Anderson, to pass all guards to 
White Plains, and below. Upon that, he dismount- 
ed. Said he, ' Gentlemen, you iiad best let me go, 
or you will bring yourselves into trouble ; for your 
stopping me will detain the General's business ;' and 
said, he was going to Dobb's ferry to meet a person 
there and to get intelligence for General Arnold. 
Upon that, I told him, that I hoped he would not 
be offended ; that we did not mean to take any 
thing from him ; and 1 told him, there were bad 
people who were going along the road, and I did 
not know but perhaps he might be one. 

" We took him into the bushes," said Williams, 



* This was a part of the testimo- er's Journal, page 261, for Resolu- 
ny given by his captors, eleven days tion of Congress, in a Note, 
after Andre was taken. See Thatch- 



42 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

" and ordered him to pull off his clothes, which he 
did ; but on searching him narrowly, we could not 
find any sort of writings. We told him to pull off 
his boots, which he seemed to be indifferent about ; 
but we irot one boot off, and searched in that boot 
and could find nothing. But we found there were 
some papers in the bottom of his stocking, next to 
his foot, on which, we made him pull his stocking 
off, and found three papers wrapped up. Mr. 
Paulding looked at the contents, and said he was a 
spy. We then made him pull off his other boot, 
and there we found three more papers, at the bot- 
tom of his foot, within his stocking. Upon this, we 
made him dress himself, and I asked him, what he 
would give us to let him go. He said, he would 
give us any sum of money. I asked him whether 
he would give us his horse, saddle and bridle, watch, 
and one hundred guineas. He said yes, and told 
us, he would direct them to any place, even if it was 
that very spot, so that we could get them. I 
asked him if he would not give us more. He said 
he would give us any quantity of dry goods, or any 
sum of money, and bring it to any place that we 
might pitch upon, so that we might get it. Mr. 
Paulding answered, ' No, if you should give us ten 
thousand guineas, you should not stir one step.' 

" I then asked the person, who had called him- 
self John Anderson, if he would not get away if it 
lay in his power. He answered, ' Yes, I would.' I 
told him, 1 did not intend he should. While tak- 
ing him along, we asked him a few questions, and 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 43 

we stopped under a shade. He begged us not to 
ask him questions, and said, when he came to any 
Commander, he would reveal all. 

" In a few hours, we delivered him up to Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Jameson, who commanded at North 
Castle, with all the papers that had been taken from 
his boots."* 

The papers were of great importance, and had 
the plot succeeded, would have given to the enemy 
an advantage, productive of the most serious conse- 
quences. Major Andre, aware that his papers had 
been sent to General Washington^ and not to General 
Arnold, as he had hoped, wrote to the Commander- 
in-chief, a full confession of his name, rank in the 
British army, and his object in coming within the 
American lines. After he had written this letter, it 
was remarked by Major Tallmage, who now had 
charge of the prisoner, that he seemed more cheerful, 
entered into conversation, in his own delightful and 
peculiar way, and greatly interested all around him, 
by the vivacity and beauty of a well-stored intellect. 

In a communication to Mr. Sparks, Major Tall- 
mage writes : " When we left West Point for Tappan, 
early in the morning, as we passed down the Hudson 
river to King's Ferry, I placed Andre by my side, on 
the after seat of the barge. I soon began to make 
inquiries about the expected capture of our fortress, 
then in full view, and begged him to inform me, 
whether he was to have taken a part in the military 

* See Sparks' Life and Treason of Benedict Arnold, page 226. 



44 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

attack, if Arnold's plan had succeeded. He instantly 
replied in the affirmative, and pointed me to a table 
of land on the west shore, which he said was the 
spot where he should have landed, at the head of 
a select corps. He then traversed, in idea, the 
course up the mountains, into the rear of Fort Put- 
nam, which overlooks the whole parade of West 
Point. This he did with much greater exactness 
than I could have done ; and as Arnold had so dis- 
posed of the garrison, that little or no opposition 
could be made by our troops, Major Andre supposed 
he should reach that commanding eminence without 
difficulty. 

" In such case, that important key of our coun- 
try would have fallen into the hands of the enemy, 
and the glory of so splendid an achievement would 
have been his. The animation with which he gave 
the account, I recollect, perfectly delighted me, for 
he seemed as if he were entering the fort, sword 
in hand. 

" To complete the climax, I inquired what 
would have been his reward, if he had succeeded. 
He replied, that military glory was all he sought : 
and that the thanks of his General and the appro- 
bation of his King were a rich reward for such an 
undertaking. I think he further remarked, that if 
he had succeeded (and with the aid of the opposing 
General who could doubt of success ?) he was to 
have been promoted to the rank of a Brigadier-Gen- 
eral. 

" After we disembarked at King's Ferry, near Ha- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 45 

verstraw, we took up our line of march, with a fine 
body of horse, for Tappan. Before we reached the 
close. Major Andre became very mquisitive to know 
my opinion, as to the result of his capture. In 
other words, he wished me to give him candidly my 
opinion, as to the light in which he would be viewed 
by General Washington and a Military Tribunal, if 
one should be ordered. 

"This was the most unpleasant question that had 
been propounded to me, and I endeavoured to evade 
it, unwilling to give him a true answer. 

" When I could no longer evade his importunity, 
I remarked to him as follows : — ' I had a much loved 
classmate in Yale College, by the name of Nathan 
Hale, who entered the army in the year 1775. Im- 
mediately after the battle of Long Island, General 
Washington wanted information respecting the 
strength, position, and probable movements of the 
enemy. Captain Hale tendered his services, went 
over to Brooklyn, and was taken prisoner, just as he 
was passing the outposts of the enemy on his return.' 

" Said I with emphasis, ' Do you remember the 
sequel of this story ?' ' Yes,' said Andre, ' he was 
hanged as a spy. But you surely do not consider his 
case and mine alike ?' I replied, ' Yes, precisely 
similar, and similar will be your fate.' 

" He endeavoured to answer ray reraarks, but it 
was manifest he was more troubled in spirit than I 
had ever before seen him. 

" The day after his arrival at Tappan, a Board of 
Officers, of six Major-Generals and eight Brigadier- 



46 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

Generals, were appointed to examine his case. Gen- 
eral Greene was the President. The names of the 
officers constituting the Board were read to him. 

" General Greene told the prisoner that he might 
be at liberty to answer or not the questions put to 
him, and to take his own time for recollecting and 
weighing what he said. 

" He was asked, if when he came on shore, he 
considered himself under a flag. He answered, it 
was impossible for him to suppose he came on shore, 
under the sanction of a flag, and added, that if he 
came on shore, under that sanction, he certainly 
might have returned under it. 

" During his examination, he was dignified and 
manly, and answered with frankness and truth every 
thing that related to himself, and used no words to 
explain or defend any part of his conduct. So deli- 
cate was he in regard to other persons, that he 
scrupulously avoided mentioning names, or alluding 
to any particulars, except such as concerned himself. 

" After the most careful examination of his case, 
to which he oflered no defence, he was, by the laws 
of war, sentenced to die as a spy. 

" His fate created great interest and sympathy, 
not only in the British, but in the American army. 
On both sides, the desire was to save him. But 
trying as it was to the feelings of General Washing- 
ton, yet justice demanded the sacrifice. 

" Efforts were made to save him. Captain Ogden, 
an American officer, was sent to the Brhish lines, 
under a flag of truce, with a packet of letters from 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 47 

General Washington. He was directed to obtain 
further orders from General La Fajette. The Ge- 
neral told him to arrange his visit in such a way, as 
to make it so late at night that he would be invited 
to remain. That in the course of conversation, it 
might probably be asked, by the officers, if there was 
any way in which Andre could be saved. That he 
should reply, yes, that there was a way ; which was, 
if Sir Henry Clinton would deliver up Arnold and 
take Andre in exchange, the prisoner would be set 
at liberty. Captain Ogden was asked if he had 
authority for such a declaration. He replied, ' I 
have no such assurance from General Washington, 
but I am prepared to say, that if such a proposition 
were made, I believe it would be accepted, and 
Major Andre set at liberty.' 

" The commanding officer immediately went to 
Sir Henry Clinton. On his return, he told Captain 
Ogden that such a thing could not be done ; that to 
give up a man, who had deserted from the enemy and 
openly espoused the King's cause, was such a viola- 
tion of honour and every military principle, that Sir 
Henry Clinton would not listen to the idea for a mo- 
ment." 

Major Andre asked of General Washington the 
privilege of being shot, but this request could not be 
granted, according to the strict laws of war. Ge- 
neral Washington made no reply to his application. 

Dr. Thatcher, in his Military Journal,* says : " At 

* Journal, page 273. 



48 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

the moment, therefore, when suddenly he came in 
view of the gallows, he involuntarily started back- 
ward and made a pause. ' Why this emotion, sir ?' 
said an officer by his side. Instantly recovering his 
composure, he said, ' I am reconciled to my death, 
but I detest the mode.' While waiting and stand- 
ing near the gallows, I observed some degree of 
trepidation ; placing his foot on a stone, and rolling 
it over, and choking in his throat, as if attempting to 
swallow. So soon, however, as he perceived things 
were in readiness, he stepped quickly into the wag- 
on, and at this moment he appeared to shrink ; but 
instantly elevating his head, with firmness he said, 
' It will be but a momentary pang ;' and taking from 
his pocket two white handkerchiefs, the Provost 
Marshal with one loosely pinioned his arms, and with 
the other the victim, after taking off his hat and stock, 
bandaged his own eyes, with perfect firmness, which 
melted the hearts and moistened the cheeks, not only 
of his servant, but of the throng of spectators. The 
rope being appended to the gallows, he slipped the 
noose over his head, and adjusted it to his neck, with- 
out the assistance of the awkward executioner. Colo- 
nel Scammel now informed him that he had an oppor- 
tunity to speak, if he desired it ; he raised the hand- 
kerchief from his eyes and said, ' 1 pray you to bear 
me witness, that I meet my fate like a brave man.' 
The next moment life was extinguislied." 

Major Andre is described as being possessed of 
personal attraction, and was highly accomplished. A 
likeness of him is preserved, taken by himself with 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 49 

a pen, on the morning of his execution, while seated 
at a table in the guard-room.* 

A parallel has been drawn by historians between 
Andre and Hale ; and it may be admitted, without a 
bias in favour of our countryman, that Hale was in- 
fluenced by nobler and purer motives than Andre : 
for his death marked the Patriot and the Christian. 

But if we consider how different were their early 
condition in life, as well as their official stations, 
we would find abundant cause for this difference. 
Unhappily, men are more governed in their conduct 
by the circumstances in which they are placed, than 
by principle. The influence which surrounds them 
involuntarily becomes an element in action, and their 
motives are often worldly and selfish in their charac- 
ter. 

Andre and Hale both possessed a high sense of 
moral rectitude, elevated tastes, and pure habits. 
Had their positions in life been changed, we are not 
sure but that Andre might have exhibited the qual- 
ities of Hale, and Hale those of Andre. The coun- 
try of Hale was poor and feeble, contending for its 
rights, under circumstances of great disadvantage, 
and deep depression. Its defenders were disciplined 
by suffering, and rather felt for her than themselves. 

Andre belonged to the most powerful nation of 
the earth : a nation whose armies were victorious in 
every quarter of the globe. To contend for her, 
was to contend for the enlargement of her borders 



The original drawing is now in the Trumbull Gallery of Yale College. 

4 



50 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

and the increase of her pride. To combat for suf- 
fering America, was to combat for liberty, for home, 

for virtue. 

Where is the man whose feelings and opinions 

would not be affected by such a discipline, and would 
not in the hour of death feel more for his country's 
interests than his own personal reputation ? Andre 
said, " I pray you to bear me witness, that I meet 
my fate like a brave man." The words of Hale 
were, " I only lament, that I have but one life to lose 
for my country." The one, in the event of success ex- 
pected promotion and pecuniary rewards ; the other, 
looked only for the unspeakable happiness of having 
done what he deemed his duty. 

Andre engaged in the enterprise without the 
thought or view of danger. Protected by the 
power and influence of Arnold, and his retreat from 
our shores secured by a British armed vessel in the 
river, he had nothing to apprehend ; while animated 
by the prospect of almost certain success in viewing 
the advantage presented by the defection of Arnold. 

On the contrary. Hale went to the enemy's lines 
in the very spirit of self-devotion, resolved to achieve 
his work, or meet death, which he knew was the 
certain alternative. 

In the solemn hours preceding the approach of 
eternity, Andre sought relief in intellectual enjoy- 
ments, in the works of genius, and left to the world 
a drawing of his own person, taken in his guard- 
room, from which he was soon to pass to the scaf- 
fold. He asked that he might die the death of a 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 



51 



soldier, and not by the hands of the common hang-r 
man. 

Hale thought not of the mode of his death. He 
felt like the virtuous Raleigh ; when inquired of by 
the executioner which way he should lay his head, 
replied, " No matter, so tliat the heart is right." 

In the near view of death, Hale sought the con- 
solations of religion. He asked for a Bible and a 
clergyman, to assist him in his preparation for the 
eternal world. Though denied them both, yet we 
may be permitted to believe that the wish of his 
heart was blessed, and that the Spirit of God became 
his Teacher. 

The memory of Andre is enshrined in monu- 
ments of art, that of Hale in the hearts of his coun- 
trymen. 



52 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL ' 



CHAPTER IV. 

Battle of Chatterton Hill, at the White Plains. 

1776. 

The British army being in possession of New- 
York, General Washington took a strong position on 
the heights about Kingsbridge, at the eastern end 
of the island. The main body of the enemy ad- 
vanced to a narrow part of the island, near his posi- 
tion, their right extending to the East River, and 
their left to the Hudson, near Bloomingdale. Be- 
tween these lines partial engagements took place, 
which were honourable to the American arms. The 
gallant manner in which the troops of Washington 
fought, together with the strength of his position, 
were undoubtedly among the reasons which prevent- 
ed the British Commander from hazarding a general 
action. Even if Washington had been beaten on 
this ground, he had two lines of defence across the 
Island, and a very strong position at Kingsbridge, 
which would have enabled him to have retreated 
with safety, and preserved his communication with 
his country. 

Under these circumstances, General Howe made 
a movement, the object of which was to compel 
General Washington to abandon his position on 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 53 

York Island and at Kin gsbridge, or suffer his commu- 
nication to be entirely obstructed. For this purpose 
he embarked his army on the East River, in flat-bot- 
tomed boats, passed Hellgate, and landed on Frog 
or Throg's Neck, a suitable point from which to march 
his army across the country, attain the rear of the 
Americans, and communicate with a part of the 
British fleet in the Hudson, which had passed forts 
Washington and Lee, notwithstanding their fire and 
the obstructions placed in the river to oppose their 
passage. 

The American Commander perceiving the object 
of this movement, determined, though with reluc- 
tance, to abandon his position on York Island, and 
march the left of his army to the White Plains ; the 
right extending in the first instance to Kingsbridge. 

It was soon apparent that General Howe was 
concentrating his whole army at Frog's Neck and its 
vicinity, excepting a small body left in New- York for 
its defence. Washington therefore moved his right 
division from Kingsbridge to the White Plains. 

So anxious was he, however^ to retain a footing 
on York Island, especially for the purpose of obstruct- 
ing the navigation of the Hudson, that he left a gar- 
rison of between two and three thousand men at 
Fort Washington, under the command of Colonel 
McGaw, of Pennsylvania. 

While the American General was marching the 
right wing of his army from Kingsbridge to the 
White Plains, General Howe commenced his march 
from Frog's Neck towards the same point. On the 



54 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

march, the left wing of the British and the right wing 
of the American armj were very near each other. 

When the left vving, under the command of 
Major-General Charles Lee, arrived at the White 
Plains, General McDougaPs brigade was directed to 
take possession of Chatterton's Hill, about a mile in 
advance of the White Plains, on the right of the 
American army. The river Brunx ran in the low 
grounds, at the foot of the hill, and about one hun- 
dred yards in front of McDougal's brigade. 

Colonel Webb's regiment, in which was Captain 
Hull's company, belonged to this brigade, which con- 
sisted of about fifteen hundred men. 

" Early in the morning," says General Hull in 
his MSS., " having taken our position, we discovered 
at a distance the approach of the British army. Its 
appearance was truly magnificent. A bright autum- 
nal sun shed its full lustre on their polished arms ; 
and the rich array of dress and military equipage, 
gave an imposing grandeur to the scene, as they ad- 
vanced, in all the pomp and circumstance of war, to 
give us battle. 

"When the columns arrived within a small dis- 
tance of our line, on the opposite side of the Brunx, 
they halted ; their field artillery was advanced, with 
which they commenced a heavy fire. We had but 
three or four pieces of artillery. 

" They returned the fire, until the whole of them 
were dismounted. The enemy then made a nearer 
approach, and with chain and grape shot, continued 
the cannonade for more than an hour. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLL\M HULL. 55 

" General Howe, finding that he could not dis- 
lodge us from the hill with his artillery, formed three 
columns of infantry, which passed the Brunx, one 
against our centre, and the other two against each 
flank. 

" At this moment Colonel Webb received orders 
from General McDougal to move and take a posi- 
tion further to the left, to prevent the enemy from 
turning his left flank. This was promptly done, and 
with much order and regularity. After a sharp con- 
flict, the object was completely attained. Our whole 
line sustained the attack with persevering bravery, 
for a considerable time, but at length, overpowered 
by numbers, the right and the centre first retreated 
in some disorder. Colonel Webb's regiment main- 
tained the conflict for a time, after the other part of 
the brigade had abandoned the field, and it had the 
honour to receive the particular thanks of Washing- 
ton for its bravery and orderly retreat."* 

The loss of, the Americans in killed, wounded, 



* Extract from a letter of General Plains, General Hull ai-ted under my 

Brooks, to the President of the Court immediate orders, and was detached 

Martial, held at Albany, for the trial from the line, to oppose a body of 

of General Hull, dated February 4th, Light Infantry and Yagers, advanc- 

1814, touching the battle at the ing upon the left flank of the Amer- 

White Plains. It will be perceived, lean army. His orders were exe- 

that General Hull does not mention cuted with promptitude, gallantry, 

the fact, that he was the officer de- and effect. Though more than 

tached from the line by his Com- double his number, the enemy was 

mander, to oppose the enemy on compelled to retreat, and the left of 

the left. the American line thus enabled, by 

General Brooks says, " In the a flank movement, to pass the 

month of September, 1776, at Wliite Brunx." 



56 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

and prisoners, was about two hundred and fifty. The 
British loss nearly the same. 

General Howe did not pursue the advantage he 
had gained. A general action was expected the next 
morning, but a violent storm of rain was probably 
the cause which prevented it. When the storm 
ceased, General Howe changed his mode of opera- 
tions, and made a retrograde movement to Kings- 
bridge, for the purpose of reducing the garrison at 
Fort Washington, on Long Island. 

The historians of the Revolution give an account 
of the reduction of this fortress, and the retreat of 
General Washington in November and December, 
through New Jersey, and over the Delaware. Cap- 
tain Hull was not a witness of these events. The 
MSS. continues : 

" Our regiment formed a part of the division un- 
der Charles Lee, and was stationed in the Highlands, 
on the Hudson. 

" General Lee was ordered to march through the 
upper parts of New Jersey, and join, as speedily as 
possible, the army of Washington. During the 
march, at a halt in Morris county, he went one night 
to lodge at a farm-house, three miles distant from the 
camp. The British, by some means, obtained infor- 
mation of this step, and Colonel Harcourt, with a body 
of cavalry, made a forced march in the night, and 
early in the morning surrounded the house. The 
troops fired into the windows, and General Lee was 
made prisoner, before he suspected that an enemy 
was near. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 



bi 



" They mounted him on a horse in great haste, 
without cloak or hat, and carried him in triumph to 
New- York. It is impossible to describe the excite- 
ment produced by this event. 

" General Lee was second to Washington in 
command. He had held a high rank in the British 
army, and had seen much military service. The 
country deplored his loss. Washington felt it to be a 
severe misfortune, and the army considered that, next 
to Washington, Lee was the sinew and soul of their 
strength. 

" General Sullivan, of New Hampshire, was the 
next officer of rank in the division. He marched it 
with great rapidity to the Delaware, and about the 
20th of December joined the main army in Pennsyl- 
vania. Here we remained inactive but a few days. 
General Washington deemed it necessary to make 
some bold effort to rouse the desponding spirit of the 
country, which at this period had sunk into the deep- 
est gloom." 

Although the enemy had abandoned for the pre- 
sent, the idea of proceeding to Philadelphia, on 
account of the severity of the season, and the diffi- 
culty of passing the Delaware, yet Rhode Island and 
New-York were in their possession ; a great part 
of New Jersey was conquered, and a spirit of disaf- 
fection prevailed in Pennsylvania. The patriotic 
feelings that pervaded every part of the country at 
the commencement of the contest, appeared now to 
be nearly extinguished. 



58 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 



CHAPTER V. 

Battle of Tkentox. — Captain Hull acts as Field Officer in the ab- 
sence OF Major Brooks. 

1776. 

General Washington having been reinforced by 
the division under General Sullivan, and by a part of 
the northern army which had served under General 
Gates, formed the bold design of passing the Dela- 
ware, and attacking the different posts of the enemy 
on its eastern shore. At Trenton there were sta- 
tioned three regiments of Hessians, consisting of fif- 
teen hundred men, besides a troop of light-horse. 

Other detachments were at Burlington, Borden- 
town. Mount Holly, and Black Horse. General Cad- 
wallader was appointed to attack these posts, and 
directed to cross the river at Bristol, while Washing- 
ton would cross above Trenton, and General Ewing 
below, and unite in the attack on the Hessians in 
that place. 

Early in the evening of the twenty-fifth of De- 
cember, the troops were put in motion, and com- 
menced crossing the river. The army consisted of 
two thousand four hundred men, and twenty pieces 
of artillery. 

It crossed the Delaware about ten miles above 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 59 

Trenton. The evening set in with a violent storm 
of hail and snow, which continued during the night. 
The weather was intensely cold, and the ice floated 
down the river in such quantities, that the passage 
of the troops was not completed until three o'clock in 
the morning. They were then formed into two 
columns. The right marched on a road near the 
river, under General Sullivan ; and the left on a road 
a little distant from it, towards the east. Both of 
these roads entered the town of Trenton, and the 
distance to be marched was about the same. Gen- 
eral Greene led on the other column, but Washing- 
ton commanded in person. Colonel Webb's regi- 
ment formed a part of it. At daylight the columns 
halted, but the men were not permitted to leave their 
ranks. During the halt. Captain Hull was sent for 
by his Commander, who informed him, that his Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel was absent, and that Major Brooks, 
overcome with fatigue, had returned to the encamp- 
ment ; that he had no field officer with him, and 
desired Captain Hull to give the command of his 
company to his Lieutenant, and assist him as a field 
officer in the general command of the regiment. 
This order was promptly obeyed. 

When the columns were ordered to resume the 
march, the fatigue of the troops was so great that 
nearly one half of the men were asleep, and those 
awake passed by, leaving them standing on their 
posts. It was with difficulty they could be roused 
and the order of march resumed. According to the 
plan, both columns arrived at the point of attack with- 



go REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

in a few minutes of each other. Notwithstanding; 
the severity of the weather, the elements raging 
around us, the moment the firing commenced by 
the outguards of our columns, and the outguards 
of the enemy, the whole corps was animated 
with new spirit, and advanced with a firmness 
and impetuosity, which bore a striking contrast 
to the drowsy attitudes they exhibited a few mo- 
ments before. The firing of the advanced parties 
having given the alarm to the enemy, the command- 
ing officer, Colonel Rhal, immediately prepared for 
battle. He formed his line on ground, then an 
orchard, on the right of the road leading to Phila- 
delphia, and facing to the northwest. 

The column led on by General Washington 
pressed with such irresistible force on the right and 
centre of the enemy, while the column on the left 
acted with equal spirit, that the British force, after 
a short struo;gle, was compelled to surrender. Some 
of the British attempted to retreat on the Princeton 
road, but were prevented by a detachment from our 
left column. In a short time, nearly the whole body 
were either killed, wounded, or taken prisoners ; and 
all their artillery, magazines, and military stores, were 
in our possession. 

A small part of the enemy retreated to Borden- 
town and Burlington, which they could not have 
done had it been possible for the detachment under 
Ewing and Cadwallader to have crossed the Dela- 
ware, below Trenton, and at Burlington above, as 
was the intention. Among the killed was the com- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. gj 

manding officer, Colonel Rhal, a truly brave man, 
and nearly one thousand officers and soldiers were 
made prisoners. 

General Washington, with all possible speed, com- 
menced his march back to the same ferrv where he 
had crossed the Delaware, taking his prisoners, can- 
non, arms, and military stores. 

It occupied a part of the second night to recross 
the river, so great were the difficulties, increased 
by the accumulation of ice. The operation was 
not completed until three o'clock in the morning. 
"Six brass field-pieces and a thousand stand of 
arms, were the trophies of victory. Colonel Rhal, 
the Hessian commander and a gallant officer, was 
mortally wounded. Six other officers and between 
twenty and thirty men were killed. The American 
loss was two privates killed and two others frozen 
to death. Captain William Washington, distinguished 
as an officer of cavalry at a later period of the war, 
and Lieutenant Monroe, afterwards President of the 
United States, were wounded in a brave and success- 
ful assault upon the enemy's artillery. The fact that 
two men died hy suffering from cold, is a proof of the 
intense severity of the weather. It snowed and 
hailed during the whole march. The ice had formed 
so fast in the river, below Trenton, that it was im- 
practicable for the troops under Cadwallader and 
Ewing to pass over at the times agreed upon. Cad- 
wallader succeeded in landing a battalion of infant- 
ry, but the ice on the margin of the stream was in 
such a condition, as to render it impossible to land 



g2 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

the artillery, and they all returned. If Ewing had 
crossed, as was proposed, and taken possession of 
the bridge on the south side of the town, the party 
that fled would have been intercepted and captured. 
And there was the fairest prospect that Cadwallader 
would have been equally fortunate against the 
detachment below, or have driven them towards 
Trenton, where they would have met a victorious 
army."* 

Captain Hull writes : " To give you some idea of 
the excessive fatigue of the troops engaged in this 
enterprise, I relate the following anecdote respecting 
myself. It was between two and three o'clock in 
the morning of the second night, when my company 
recrossed the Delaware. I marched them to the 
house of a farmer, and halted to obtain refreshments 
and rest. After my men were accommodated, I went 
into a room where a number of officers were sitting 
around a table, with a large dish of ' hasty pudding' 
in its centre. 1 sat down, procured a spoon, and be- 
gan to eat. While eating, I fell from my chair to the 
floor, overcome with sleep, and in the morning, when 
I awoke, the spoon was fast clenched in my hand." 

* Sparks' Life and Writings of Washington, Vol. I., page 228, 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. Q^ 



CHAPTER VI. 

Critical State of the Country. — Washington's efforts to prevent the 

TROOPS from returning TO THEIR HOMES. PROMOTION OF CaPTAIN HuLL. 

Battle of Princeton. 

1777. 

, Notwithstanding the success which attended 
our arms at Trenton, the situation of the army and 
country was extremely critical. 

The time for which the best troops from the north- 
ward had engaged, would expire in a few days. The 
recruiting service in every part of the country was 
attended with little success. It was with great dif- 
ficulty that the militia could be called into active ser- 
vice, and a spirit of despondency every where prevail- 
ed. There was no period of the war more gloomy and 
discouraging than the close of the year 1776. Had 
General Washington now retreated into winter quar- 
ters, the whole of New Jersey would have remained 
in possession of the enemy ; and as soon as the ice 
had formed on the Delaware, the British would have 
marched to Philadelphia without opposition. The 
state of the army and the circumstances of the coun- 
try required bold and decisive measures. 

Of this Washington was sensible. After recruit- 
ing his army for two or three days, he recrossed the 



1 

g4 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

river to Trenton. The British garrison below, at 
Bordentown and Burlington, after our victory at 
Trenton, had retreated to Princeton and Brunswick, 
and Generals Ewing and Cadwallader had recrossed 
the Delaware with the militia under their command, 
and taken possession of the posts vacated by the 
enemy. 

The year was drawing to a close, and the most 
effective part of the army, in a few days, would be 
entitled to a discharge. At this critical moment 
Washington received information that a part of the 
British army, under Lord Cornwallis, was advancing 
from New-York to retrieve the misfortunes which 
had attended their arms at Trenton. General Wash- 
ington immediately ordered the troops from the High- 
lands into New Jersey, with all the militia that could 
be collected, to press upon the rear and right of Lord 
Cornwallis's division, to retard their movements as 
much as possible. He likewise ordered the militia 
from Burlington and Bordentown to join him at 
Trenton. 

Washington made a solemn appeal to that part 
of his army whose term of service was now expiring. 
He spoke of the fidelity with which they had served, 
and acknowledged their just right to a discharge. He 
begged them, however, to consider what would be the 
situation of the country, if they availed themselves of 
that right. He reminded them of their gallant con- 
duct a few days before, on the very ground on which 
they were then standing ; how honourable it had been 
to them, how advantageous to their country, and how 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. g5 

mortifying to the enemy. That if they now returned 
to their homes, all the advantages gained by us would 
be lost, and there would be no army to oppose the 
progress of the enemy, wherever he was inclined to 
march ; and asked them to consider what would be 
his situation under circumstances like these. He 
then urged them to engage for six weeks, and as an 
inducement, offered a bounty of ten dollars. 

Captain Hull communicated the proposition of 
the Commander-in-chief to his company, and used 
every argument in his power, in addition to what his 
General had urged, to induce them to comply. He 
was happy to return every man of them for the next 
six weeks. A large proportion of the army complied 
with the wishes of their Commander. 

The state of the country had now become so dis- 
tressing, and the dangers impending so alarming, that 
Congress confided to General Washington extraordi- 
nary powers, in relation to appointments in the army, 
requisitions on the State for militia, and resources for 
their support, but limiting these powers to the period 
of six months. 

The day before the army marched from Trenton 
to Princeton, Captain Hull was informed that the 
Commander-in-chief wished to see him at head-quar- 
ters. He was introduced to General Washington, 
who observed to him that he understood that he was 
a Captain in the Connecticut line ; that there was no 
vacancy in that line, but there was a vacancy in the 
Massachusetts line ; that if Captain Hull was willing 
5 



QQ REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

to be transferred to another regiment, he was autho- 
rized and disposed to give him promotion. 

Captain Hull expressed his grateful feelings, 
and replied, " I am a soldier for my country, and it 
is immaterial in what particular line of the army 
I serve." Shortly after he received a commis- 
sion as a Major in the eighth Massachusetts regi- 
ment. 

About the first of January, Lord Cornwallis ad- 
vanced from Princeton. General Washington directed 
a small body of troops to observe his motions, and 
by skirmishing with his advanced parties, to impede 
his progress. 

On this service Captain (now Major) Hull was 
ordered. The Americans met the guard of the 
British about three miles from Trenton, and skir- 
mished with light parties of them, retreating at the 
same time towards the town. This continued during 
the afternoon, until the main body of the enemy 
reached Trenton, a little before sunset. 

Unimportant as this skirmishing may appear to 
one who knew not the secret design of Washington, 
yet it had a strong bearing on the future success of 
the American arms. His plan was well matured, 
and to retard the approach of the British until night 
was necessary to its execution. It was this delay 
which led to his escape from Lord Cornwallis at 
Trenton, and his subsequent victory at Princeton. 

On the approach of the enemy General Wash- 
ington retired over the Assanpink, a creek which 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. g7 

runs through the southern part of Trenton, and emp- 
ties into the Delaware. Here he formed, with the 
creek in his front, his left extending to the Delaware, 
and his right as far on the creek as his numbers 
would admit. 

Lord Cornwallis was on the other side of the 
creek, his right extending to the Delaware and his 
left towards Maidenhead. 

The American force, including militia, did not 
exceed five thousand men. The British were double 
the number. They commenced a cannonade, which 
was briskly returned, until darkness put an end to 
the contest. Both armies were without tents, and 
kindled fires for the night. The sentinels were sta- 
tioned on the borders of the creek, and could hear 
each other's heavy tread, as they moved up and 
down its banks. The Delaware was so full of ice 
that a retreat seemed impossible. Lord Cornwallis 
expected, by a general action the following morning, 
to destroy this remnant of the American army. 

Here, amidst a choice of difficulties, Washington, 
with consummate foresight, adopted an expedient 
which not only saved his army, but added fresh lau- 
rels to it. New Jersey was relieved from the pre- 
sence of the enemy, and Philadelphia freed from the 
danger with which it was threatened. 

In the middle of the night Washington ordered 
his fires to be re-kindled ; " fires which were a light 
to the Americans, but darkness to the British ;" the 
outguards to remain on their posts, and men to dig so 
near the enemy's line, that the turning up of the 



g8 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

earth could be distinctly heard by their sentinels. He 
then silently drew off his army to the right, and made 
a circuitous march to Princeton. On approaching 
the town between daylight and sunrise, we met two 
British regiments, which had commenced their march, 
to join Cornwallis at Trenton. An action imme- 
diately commenced with these regiments, by the van- 
guard of our column, in which the enemy at first had 
the advantage ; but, on the arrival of General Wash- 
ington, with a superior force, they were dispersed, 
one part towards Trenton, the other towards Bruns- 
wick. A third regiment, near the Colleges, had 
formed ; it was immediately attacked, and the rem- 
nant of it, after much loss, retreated to Brunswick, 
About one hundred of the enemy were killed, and 
three hundred made prisoners. 

Lord Cornwallis had no knowledge of this move- 
ment, until it was announced to him by the firing at 
Princeton. It was doubtful what course he would 
pursue. The possession of Philadelphia, the capital 
of America, had seemed a favorite object. Now that 
the road was open, he was not disposed to avail himself 
of the occasion to gain that point, but immediately 
commenced a rapid march, to attack us at Princeton. 

As soon as General Washington had collected the 
prisoners, he advanced about three miles on the road 
leading to Brunswick, and after passing Millstone 
Creek, filed off to the left, and directed his march to 
Morristown, where he established his winter quar- 
ters. 

Lord Cornwallis, supposing that Washington had 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. gg 

gone in the direction of Brunswick, and anxious for 
the fate of the garrison, as well as for the protection 
of a large sum of money deposited there, pushed di- 
rectly to that place. 

During these operations, in the midst of winter, 
our army was destitute of the necessary articles of 
clothing. This circumstance, and the extreme fa- 
tigue it had endured, prevented General Washington 
from proceeding to Brunswick, where in all probabi- 
lity he would have gained another complete victory.* 

It was the fortune of Major Hull to be in the se- 
verest parts of the memorable battles of Trenton 
and Princeton. The classical and eloquent Italian 
historian of the war, Charles Botta, after describing 
these transactions, adds : " Achievements so aston- 
ishing, acc^uired an immense glory for the Captain 
General of the United States. All nations shared 
in the surprise of the Americans ; all equally admired 
and applauded the prudence, the constancy, and the 
noble intrepidity of General Washington. An 
unanimous voice pronounced him the saviour of his 
country : all extolled him as equal to the most cele- 
brated commanders of antiquity ; all proclaimed him 
the Fabius of America. His name was in the mouth 
of all ; he was celebrated by the pens of the most 
distinguished writers. The most illustrious person- 
ages of Europe lavished upon him their praises and 
their congratulations. The American General there- 
fore, wanted neither a cause to defend, nor occasion 

* See Appendix No. I. — Colonel Simcoe, respecting Washington's 
Hull's conversation with Governor escape from Cornwallis at Trenton. 



70 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

for the acquisition of glory, nor genius to avail him- 
self of it, nor the renown due to his triumphs, nor an 
entire generation of men perfectly well disposed to 
render him homage."* 

In a former chapter, the reader was informed that 
the regiment of Colonel Webb left the Highlands, 
under the command of General Lee, to reinforce the 
army of Washington in Pennsylvania. The march 
commenced about the beginning of December. Ma- 
jor Hull writes : 

" In recounting the hardships and fatigue which 
my company encountered, and the patience and for- 
titude with which they endured them, you will have 
a representation of the situation and conduct of the 
whole American army at that time. I relate nothing 
but what I was in the best possible situation to 
know, and what I personally witnessed. 

" When we left the Highlands, my company con- 
sisted of about fifty, rank and file. On examining 
the state of the clothing, I found there was not more 
than one poor blanket to two men : many of them 
had neither shoes nor stockings ; and those who had, 
found them nearly worn out. All the clothing was 
of the same wretched description. 

" These troops had been almost a year in service, 
and their pay which was due, remained unpaid. Yet 
their privations and trials were only equalled by their 
patience. They knew the resources of their country 
did not admit of their being more comfortable ; yet. 



Otis's Botta, Vol. II., page 227. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 



71 



in a noble spirit of patriotism, they served her in 
her greatest need without compensation, and almost 
without the hope of more prosperous days. 

" In this condition, during the inclement month 
of December, we marched through New Jersey, slept 
on the cold ground, until we joined the army of 
General Washington in Pennsylvania. Here we 
remained a few days, but found no relief from our 
sufferings, unless it was relief to join companions in 
similar distress. 

" In the attacks at Trenton and Princeton we were 
in this destitute situation, and continued to sleep on 
the frozen ground, without covering, until the seventh 
of January, when we arrived at Morristown, New 
Jersey, where General Washington established his 
winter quarters. The patient endurance of the army 
at this period, is perhaps unexampled in this or any 
other country." 



72 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 



CHAPTER VII. 

Retreat of General St. Clair from Ticonderoga. 

1777. 

When the army was established in winter quar- 
ters in New Jersey, Major Hull was ordered to re- 
pair to Boston and assist in recruiting the eighth 
Massachusetts regiment. Michael Jackson, Esquire, 
was the Colonel of the regiment, and John Brooks, 
Esquire, afterwards Governor of Massachusetts, was 
the Lieutenant-Colonel. 

Colonel Jackson had not recovered from his 
wounds, received at Montressor's Island, near New- 
York, in the second year of the war, and was unable 
to perform duty. Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks had 
been active in recruiting the regiment, and several 
companies had been sent to rendezvous at Springfield, 
on Connecticut River. Major Hull was ordered to 
that place, to take the command of them, and attend 
to their discipline. Here he remained until the 
month of April, when about three hundred men had 
been recruited, and he was directed to march them 
to Ticonderoga, to reinforce the army at that station, 
under the command of Major-General St. Clair. 
Major Hull arrived early in May at Ticonderoga. 
His troops were posted at the old French lines, and 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 73 

were employed in strengthening the works, until the 
latter part of June, when General Burgoyne ap- 
proached with his army from Canada, and commenc- 
ed an investment of the place. 

Ticonderoga is a neck of land, situated on the 
west side of Lake Champlain, and surrounded on all 
sides by water, excepting where the French lines 
were estabhshed. Mount Independence is on the 
eastern side of the lake, opposite to Ticonderoga. 
The two posts were connected by a bridge. Mount 
Independence was fortified, and a part of St. Clair's 
army stationed there for its defence. The Americans 
had no naval force on the lake. The British army 
came up in boats, and several armed vessels. It had 
been joined by a great number of savages. 

General Burgoyne commenced operations by 
landing his forces on both sides of the lake, about 
three miles above Ticonderoga. His right wing took 
possession of Mount Hope. This was an eminence in 
front of the French lines, and extended to the outlet 
of Lake George. 

His taking this position, entirely cut off our com- 
munication with Lake George, and completely in- 
vested Ticonderoga on the west side. 

The Germans, under the command of General 
Reidesel, landed on the east side of the lake, about 
three miles from Mount Independence ; they com- 
menced cutting a road and advancing to a position, so 
as to form an investment of that place. 

The armed vessels took a station across the lake, 
a small distance from Ticonderoga. On the south 



74 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

of the fort is a hill, called Sugar-loaf Hill, which over- 
looks both Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, 
and withia point blank shot of both of these places. 

Between this hill andTiconderoga, is a narrow bay, 
into which is the outlet, running from Lake George. 

General St. Clair frequently spoke of the import- 
ance of fortifying this hill ; but remarked, that it 
would be improper to do so, until the garrison was 
reinforced ; for he had not at that moment a sufficient 
number of men to defend the works already estab- 
lished, and that by extending them he should weaken 
his post. 

General Burgoyne, perceiving the advantage of 
this position, with great labour surmounted the diffi- 
culties of its almost perpendicular ascent, and com- 
menced preparing a battery on its summit. General 
St. Clair was now convinced that the loss of his army 
would be inevitable, if he persevered in defending the 
fort. 

On the sixth of July, he summoned a council of 
war, and the unanimous opinion was to retreat, be- 
fore the investment was completed, which would have 
taken place the following day. 

That evening the baggage and stores were put 
on board the boats, and at an early hour in the night 
the troops silently retired from Ticonderoo;a, over the 
bridge, to Mount Independence. The intention was 
to move quietly, that the enemy would have no in- 
formation of the retreat until the next morning. Un- 
fortunately, the barracks of General Fournay took 
fire, and the whole of Mount Independence was illu- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 75 

minated. By this disaster, the enemy were apprised 
of the projected retreat, before our march was com- 
menced ; and they immediately prepared for pursuit. 

A brigade of troops under the command of Co- 
lonel Long, proceeded with the baggage by water, 
to Skeensborough. The main body of the army, under 
the command of General St. Clair, marched through 
a wilderness to Castletown, in Vermont, about thirty 
miles from Ticonderoga. A large body of the enemy, 
under the command of Generals Frazer and Reidesel, 
pursued, and the morning after the retreat attacked 
the rear-guard, consisting of about thirteen hundred 
men, commanded by Colonel Warner. The guard 
had been much increased by a large number of troops 
falling out from the main body through fatigue and 
other causes. It was impossible to avoid this irregu- 
larity, as the march was through a thick wilderness, 
in a path but just wide enough for two men to walk 
abreast. 

Colonels Warner and Francis were the principal 
officers who commanded in this trying and perilous 
situation. They made great exertions, and for some 
time successfully resisted. But when the main body 
of the enemy was brought into action, our gallant 
troops were compelled to retreat. At this time Co- 
lonel Francis was killed ; and the loss of killed, 
wounded, and prisoners, was probably five or six 
hundred. 

It was the intention of General St. Clair to have 
marched to Skeensborough ; but at the same time 
that the rear of his army was defeated, he received 



76 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

information thai Colonel Long had retreated from 
that place. As his object in quitting Ticonderoga 
was to save his army for future operations, he changed 
his line of march, and proceeded by the way of Rut- 
land and Manchester in Vermont, to Fort Edward on 
the Hudson, and there joined the forces commanded 
by General Schuyler. 

The clamour against General St. Clair was exces- 
sive. Even the army which he had saved from destruc- 
tion joined in the popular cry against him. It was as- 
serted that he had sold the key of the country ; and 
many of his own troops were made to believe that they 
were guarding him and his treasure toa place of safety. 
A public inquiry was made into his conduct, and he 
was honourably acquitted. Had he remained a few 
days longer at Ticonderoga, there is not a doubt but 
that his whole force would have been captured, and 
the result of the campaign of a very different char- 
acter. 

Dr. Thatcher, who was with the army of General 
St. Clair, remarks in his military journal : 

" It is predicted by some of our well-informed and 
respectable characters, that this event, apparently so 
calamitous, will ultimately prove advantageous, by 
drawing the British army into the heart of the coun- 
try, and thereby place them more immediately in our 
power." 

The wisdom that deduces good from evil is often 
rewarded by the event. It was made apparent in 
the close of the campaign, and the prophecy exactly 
fulfilled. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 77 

When the armj of St. Clair was ordered to re- 
treat, boats were in readiness to receive the cannon, 
baggage and military stores. Major Hull, like the 
rest of the officers, lost every thing but the clothing 
he had on. Some valuable books, a good military 
library for that period, and his camp furniture, were 
captured by the enemy at Skeensborough. 

Trying as was their situation, and humbling to 
the feelings of the army, yet from the first, the ex- 
pediency of the retreat was apparent to Major Hull, 
and he did every thing in his power to convince 
those of his brother officers who joined in the preju- 
dice against St. Clair, of the necessity of the step. 
Major Hull availed himself of the first opportunity 
that offered, to communicate his views to the public, 
that he might justify his commander. 

At a halt of the army, not far from Fort Edward, 
he addressed a letter* to the Honourable Jud^e 
Mitchell, of Wethersfield, Connecticut — the stump of 
a tree serving him for a table — stating all the circum- 
stances connected with an event, the author of 
which was so severely censured by his countrymen. 
About the fifteenth of July General St. Clair joined 
General Schuyler's army at Fort Edward. General 
Burgoyne did not prosecute the advantage he had 
gained at Ticonderoga. He lost some weeks at 
Skeensborough and Fort Ann, in bringing forward 
his heavy artillery and supplies. 

* See Appendix, No. IL, for a 1777, together with other letters pre- 
copy of this letter, which was pub- fixed in the Appendix in relation to 
lished by Judge Mitchell, in " The it, from the Honourable Horace Bin- 
Hartford Courant," of date July 17th, ney, of Philadelphia. 



78 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

General Schuyler availed himself of this delay to 
recruit his army, but retreated when General Bur- 
goyne advanced towards Fort Edward, not being suf- 
ficiently strong to defend the position he had taken. 
He crossed to the west side of the Hudson above 
Saratoga. Major Hull commanded the rear-guard 
in this retreat. 

When the troops halted in the evening near Sar- 
atoga, Major Hull was directed to remain two miles 
in the rear, during the night. His command consist- 
ed of about three hundred continental troops ; the 
remainder were militia. He formed his plan early 
in the evening, placing the continental troops on the 
right, extending to the river ; and on the left, as far 
from the river as the numbers would admit. 

In front of his lines he stationed small patrols of 
observation ; one up the river, one on his left, and a 
third between these two parties ; with directions to 
proceed as far as they could, and if no enemy ap- 
peared, to return early in the morning. 

Soon after daylight, the patrols returned without 
having made any discoveries. About sunrise, the 
advanced guards were seen retreating. An officer 
was despatched to ascertain the cause. He was in- 
formed that a large body of the enemy was ad- 
vancing, and very near to our troops. Major Hull 
immediately formed the line, and shortly after, the 
enemy appeared, formed in his front, and commenced 
a fire. The fire was returned, which gave a tempo- 
rary check to the assailants. 

In a few moments a body of regular troops and 
savages attacked the left flank, which, being com- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 79 

posed of militia, gave way and retreated in some 
disorder. The enemy then advanced, discharged a 
heavy fire on the centre and right ; being unsupported 
by the left, and the numbers opposed greatly superior. 
Major Hull ordered a retreat. As soon as it com- 
menced, the enemy pursued with great rapidity, pour- 
ing upon them an incessant fire, while the savages, 
like so many demons, were sounding their hideous 
yells in our ears. 

After retreating three quarters of a mile, some ris- 
ing ground was perceived on the right, and it was 
determined to form and make a stand. Major Hull 
was now in the rear of his troops. He rode full speed 
past the retreating line, towards the front, and point- 
ing to the hill, informed each officer, as he passed, 
that it was his intention to take possession of that 
ground. When the detachment came opposite to the 
hill, the officer most in advance was directed to wheel 
his men to the right and march up the hill. 

To prevent any of the men from continuing to 
retreat, an officer was posted in the road, with a 
small guard, with orders to stop them at all events. 

In a short time the line was formed, and the ene- 
my advanced with great violence to break it. They 
were met with a heavy fire, and the position was sus- 
tained until a reinforcement arrived, and compelled 
them to retreat with considerable loss. 

In this little rencontre, one officer was killed, two 
wounded, and about twenty men killed and wounded. 
Major Hull received the thanks of General Schuyler 
for his conduct on this occasion. 



80 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 



CHAPTER VIII. 

General Arnold marches to the relief of Fort Stanwix. — Trial of 
Butler. — Retreat of Gen. St. Leger. 

The day following the events related in the pre- 
ceding chapter, Major Hull was ordered to march his 
detachment to Albany, to join the residue of the re- 
giment, the command of which now devolved on that 
gallant officer. Colonel Brooks. 

Fort Stanwix was at this time besieged by a large 
body of British troops and savages. Our regiment 
was ordered to join the detachment of General Ar- 
nold, appointed to march to its relief. The name of 
this fort was now changed to that of Schuyler. It 
was situated on the Mohawk river, about one hun- 
dred miles from Albany, on the site of the present 
town of Rome. It was garrisoned by one continental 
regiment, a company of artillery, and a small body of 
infantry, consisting in all of about six hundred men, 
and commanded by Colonel Ganesvoort. The Amer- 
icans had established this post for the protection of 
the western settlements against the predatory incur- 
sions of the British soldiers, loyalists, and savages. 
General Burgoyne, considering the occupation of the 
country on the Mohawk river would be of great im- 
portance in his plan of operations, previously to his 
descent upon Ticonderoga sent a detachment against 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. gl 

the fort, of about fifteen hundred men, consisting of 
regulars, loyalists, and savages. As soon as the fort 
was reduced, the troops were to co-operate with him 
in his expedition on the Hudson. 

Shortly after St. Leger invested the fort, the mili- 
tia of Tryon county assembled under the command 
of General Herkimer, for the purpose of raising the 
siege. 

St. Leger, receiving the information of Herkimer's 
approach, detached a portion of his regulars and all 
his savages, and formed an ambuscade on the route 
they were marching, within about four miles of the 
fort. The plan completely succeeded. The militia 
were attacked on each flank, before they knew that 
an enemy was near. Being thrown into disorder by 
the first fire, the Indians rushed upon them with tom- 
ahawks and scalping knives, and a horrible slaughter 
ensued. More than four hundred fell victims to the 
fury of the savages ; among them were many of the 
most respectable citizens of New-York. 

After the defeat of General Herkimer, the divi- 
sion of continental troops, under General Arnold, 
consisting of about fifteen hundred men, marched in 
separate bodies, and assembled at the German Flats,. 
on the Mohawk, then the most westerly settlements 
of the State of New- York. Here they remained a 
few days, waiting the arrival of the whole body and 
the necessary supplies. 

General St. Leger continued indefatigable in 
pressing the siege, and made his approaches to within 
a very small distance of the fort ; but the brave 

6 



82 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

Gansevoort constantly repelled the summons to sur- 
render. 

During this state of things, General St. Leger 
despatched a subaltern officer by the name of Buller, 
to treat with the inhabitants ; expecting that after so 
severe a demonstration of his power against General 
Herkimer, they would be induced to take protection 
under his standard. The party sent out consisted of 
some influential loyalists, with a number of armed 
savages ; it went forth under a flag of truce. Butler 
proceeded down the southern side of the Mohawk, 
until he came opposite General Arnold's encampment. 
He had with him large bundles of General Burgoyne's 
and St. Leger's proclamations. They were addressed 
to the inhabitants only, and he was directed to have 
no communication with any civil or military officer. 

As soon as General Arnold received information 
of the progress of this party, he detached Lieutenant- 
Colonel Brooks with one hundred men, with orders 
to make prisoners of them. As Brooks approached, 
Butler paraded his men, as if he intended to give 
battle, though with his flag of truce flying before 
them. Colonel Brooks ordered him to lay down his 
arms. Butler refused. Brooks directed his men to 
advance with the bayonet, when the party imme- 
diately surrendered. General Arnold appointed a 
board of officers to report to him in what character 
Butler should be considered, and what punishment 
should be inflicted. The Board reported that his bu- 
siness was not with the civil officers of the State, nor 
with the officer commanding the American forces, and 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 



83 



therefore the flag was no protection to him. That 
as he was taken in our territory, and near the army, 
his object must have been, under the cover of a flag 
of truce, to have ascertained and informed the enemy 
of our situation and strength ; and that he ought to 
be considered a spy, and executed according to the 
laws of war. 

The sentence was not carried into execution. 
General Arnold sent him a prisoner to Albany. He 
was committed to jail, from which he shortly made 
his escape. 

It may be questioned whether the opinion of the 
court was correct. There was a difference between 
his situation and that of Andre. They both came 
within the American lines in full uniform. Both 
performed their business in their uniforms. Andre 
put off his to favour his escape; when taken he 
was without it. Butler wore his uniform, believing 
that he was acting under the only proper authority, 
that of the King, and when exposed to arrest, assumed 
no disguise. Major Hull was present at the trial. 
Butler conducted himself with great fearlessness. 
When the charges were read to him, and when asked 
whether guilty or not guilty, he replied to the Board, 
that he was a British officer, and acted under the 
authority of the King ; and that he would not answer 
their questions until they showed by what authority 
they acted. He further said that he was then in the 
King's dominions, and was amenable to no other 
power than what was derived from his sovereign. 

The Court admonished the prisoner of his impru- 



84 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

dence, and apprised him of the consequences of his 
not answering to their questions. He then remarked, 
that he could not be considered as a spy, as he ap- 
peared without disguise, and his business was with 
the inhabitants of the country, whom his General and 
himself viewed as his Majesty's subjects. 

Among the loyalists taken with Butler, was a 
man by the name of Schuyler, sometimes by histo- 
rians called Cuyler. His family was respectable, and 
resided in the neighbourhood of the German Flats. 

The father of Schuyler applied to General Arnold 
for the pardon of his son. General Arnold asked him, 
if he would be answerable for the fidelity of his son, 
if he intrusted him with a message to St. Leger. 
He replied, he would. Arnold then sent for the 
young man, and in the presence of the father inform- 
ed him of the sentence, and probable fate of his com- 
panion, Butler ; that he was equally implicated, and 
his fate must be the same. He then asked Schuyler 
whether he was personally acquainted with General 
St. Leger, and whether St. Leger had confidence in 
him. To both questions he replied in the affirmative. 
General Arnold said, " To save your life, are you wil- 
ling to go to the fort and inform St. Leger that But- 
ler and his party were made prisoners ; that Butler 
had been tried as a spy, and was condemned to be 
executed; that, expecting the same fate, you had 
succeeded in making your escape, at the peril of your 
life ?* 

* Sparks, in his life of Benedict friendly Indian, wily by nature and 
Arnold, page 110, relates, "that a skilled in artifice from habit, pro- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 35 

" General St. Leger will naturally inquire of you, 
the strength of the force brought against him, and 
other particulars relating to our plans and future 
movements. 

" You must inform him, that my army consists of 
three thousand continental troops, with ten pieces of 
artillery. That it was to commence its march the 
next morning, and must be then very near the fort. 
Are you willing to go with this message ?" Schuyler 
answered that he was. 

General Arnold then turning to the father, said, 
*' Are you prepared, if your son proves false, to re- 
ceive his punishment ?" He promptly replied, " Yes." 

The father was then secured, and the son pro- 
ceeded to the camp of St. Leger. On his arrival, the 
General received him most cordially, and requested 
him to give him all the news. Schuyler informed 
him of the manner in which they had been captured ; 
of Butler's fate, and what his fate would have been, 
had he not made his escape ; and that General Ar- 
nold was marching on with three thousand continen- 
tal troops, supported by ten pieces of artillery, and he 
would be before the fort in a few hours. General 
St. Leger, on receiving this information, immediately 
ordered a retreat, leaving his camp all standing, his 
provisions, intrenching tools, and other valuable equi- 
page, behind. 

Our army arrived the following day, and found 
every thing as has been described. 

posed that bullets should be shot to his story ; which was accordingly 
through Schuyler's coat, which done." 
would give the greater plausibility 



36 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

Schujler remained, delivered himself up to Ge- 
neral Arnold, and related the circumstances of his in- 
terview with the British commander. 

General St. Leger retreated down Wood Creek 
to Oswego, thence to Montreal, and proceeded up 
Lake Champlain to join General Burgoyne. But it 
was too late. General Burgoyne with his whole 
army, were at that moment prisoners to the Ame- 
ricans. General Arnold marched back, and joined 
the main army on the Hudson. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 37 



CHAPTER IX. 

General Schuyler superseded in command of the Northern Army by 
Generai, Gates. 

General Schuyler, who had commanded the 
Northern Army up to this period, was now to be su- 
perseded by General Gates, an arrangement wound- 
ing to the feelings of the former, who had been inde- 
fatigable in preparing the way for the brilliant suc- 
cesses which he was confident were soon to gladden 
the drooping hearts of his countrymen. But faithful 
to his country's interests, this good citizen, and gal- 
lant soldier, for nearly three weeks previous to the 
arrival of General Gates in camp, was unremittingly 
active to repair the evils, and meet the exigencies of 
his difficult situation. 

Already, as we have seen, his efforts had not been 
fruitless, and victory now inclined in his favour. 

He feelingly complained to General Washington, 
that the course of his fortune was interrupted, and 
that the reward of his toils was now to be given to 
another, who would enjoy that victory for which he 
had prepared the way. 

But it was the desire of Congress to place at the 
head of an army, dismayed by its reverses, a genereJ 
celebrated for his achievements : moreover, the troops 
of the Northern Army were principally from the 



38 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

Eastern States, in which part of the country General 
Gates held an unrivalled popularity. Both wings of 
Burgoyne's army had now been cut off. The detach- 
ment at Bennington had met with a total defeat, and 
the retreat of St. Leger was equally fatal to the in- 
terests of the British General. 

The discerning mind of Washington had antici- 
pated these events, so favourable to the American 
cause. He thus writes in reply to General Schuy- 
ler, who had informed him of the plan of General 
Burgoyne's campaign, which was to act in detach- 
ments. " Though our affairs for some days past have 
worn a dark and gloomy aspect, I yet look forward 
to a fortunate and happy change. I trust General 
Burgoyne's army will meet sooner or later an effec- 
tual check ; and, as I suggested before, that the suc- 
cess he has had will precipitate his ruin. From your 
accounts he appears to be pursuing that line of con- 
duct which, of all others, is most favourable to us — 1 
mean acting in detachments. This conduct will cer- 
tainly give room for enterprise on our part, and ex- 
pose his parties to great hazard. Could we be so 
happy as to cut one of them off, supposing it should 
not exceed four, five, or six hundred men, it would 
inspirit the people, and do away much of their pre- 
sent anxiety. In such an event, they would lose sight 
of past misfortunes, and urged at the same time by a 
regard for their own security, they would fly to arms, 
and afford every aid in their power."* " Meanwhile 

* Washington's Writings, Vol. IV., page 503. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 39 

General Burgoyne continued in his camp on the left 
bank of the Hudson, where he used the most unre- 
mitting industry and perseverance, in bringing stores 
and provisions from Fort George. Having at length, 
by strenuous efforts, obtained about thirty days' pro- 
visions, he resolved on passing the river with his 
army, in order to engage the enemy, and force a pas- 
sage to Albany. As a swell of the water, occasioned 
by great rains, had carried away his bridge of rafts, 
he threw another of boats over the river, at the same 
place. Towards the middle of September, he cross- 
ed with his army to the right bank of the Hudson, 
and encamped on the heights and in the plains of 
Saratoga ; Gates being then in the neighbourhood of 
Stillwater, about three miles below. The two armies 
faced each other, and a battle was expected soon to 
follow. This measure of passing the Hudson, was 
by many greatly censured. It was considered the 
principal cause of the unfortunate issue of the cam- 
paign. Some were of opinion, that, after the affairs 
of Bennington and Stanwix, Burgoyne would have 
acted more wisely, considering the daily increase of 
the American army, if he had renounced the project 
of occupying Albany, and made the best of his way 
back to the lakes. It appears, however, to us, but 
just to remark for his excuse, that at this time he had 
not received intelligence, either of the strength of the 
army left at New-York, or of the movement which 
Sir Henry Clinton was to make or had made, up the 
North river towards Albany. He calculated upon a 
powerful co-operation on the part of that General. 



90 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

Such was the plan of the Ministers, and such the 
tenor of his own peremptory instructions. And to 
what reproaches would he not have exposed himself, 
if, by retiring towards Ticonderoga, he had abandoned 
Clinton to himself, and thus voluntarily relinquished 
all the advantages that were expected from the junc- 
tion of the two armies? 

" But though we think Burgoyne committed no 
error, in resolving to prosecute his expedition, it 
nevertheless appears that he ought not to have passed 
the Hudson. By continuing upon the left bank, 
he could retire at will towards Ticonderoga, or push 
forwards towards Albany. It was evidently more 
easy to execute this movement, while having between 
himself and the now formidable army of Gates, so 
broad a river as the Hudson."* 

The success which had attended the American 
arms at Fort Stanwix and Bennington, reanimated 
the spirit of the country, and reinforcements of militia 
were daily joining the army. General Schuyler was 
beh)ved, and his military character was highly appre- 
ciated. Yet the appointment of General Gates to 
the command gave great satisfaction. He took a 
position on Bemis's Heights, about eight miles 
below Saratoga. Here we commenced a line of 
fortifications, the right extending to the Hudson, 
and the left in a westerly direction on high grounds, 
about a mile from the river. Our time was divided 
between hard labour and attending to the discipline 
of the troops. 

* Otis's Botta, Vol. II., page 305, 6, 7. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. Q^ 

It was at this period that General Burgojne pre- 
pared a bridge of boats, on which he crossed to the 
west side of the Hudson. He fortified the heights 
of Saratoga, advanced and took a position about two 
miles in front of our line of fortifications. Here he 
established works for the security of his encampment. 
His left extended to the river, and his right about 
the same distance to the west, as our line extended. 
He had about ' thirty days' provisions, and having 
abandoned his communication with Canada, he 
depended on the success of a battle for his future 
progress, in forming a junction with Sir Henry Clin- 
ton, who was advancing up the North river with the 
strength of the British army. 



92 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 



CHAPTER X. 

Burgo'iNe's Campaign. — Battle of the Nineteenth of September, 

1777. 

On the nineteenth of September, about twelve 
o'clock in the morning, General Burgojne selected 
the best part of his army, which he commanded in 
person, and advanced towards the left wing of the 
American lines. At three quarters of a mile from 
our position his advance guards were met by a regi- 
ment of riflemen, led on by Colonel Morgan, and a 
detachment of rangers under the command of Major 
Dearborn. These parties of Burgoyne were repulsed 
by Morgan, who gave three cheers, which were 
heard in the camp, and greatly animated our troops. 

General Burgoyne then brought his effective force 
into action, when Morgan in his turn was compelled 
to retreat. But he was soon reinforced by a number 
of regiments from the left wing of the army, com- 
manded by General Arnold, and about one o'clock 
the action was renewed with great obstinacy. On 
that day. Major Hull commanded a picket-guard in 
front of the left line of the camp, about half a mile 
from the ground where Morgan commenced the ac- 
tion. His position being on elevated ground, it was 
considered important, and two regiments were imme- 



THE SURRENDER OF GEN BURGOYNE IN 1777 

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LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 93 

dialely sent to reinforce him, when the first firing 
was heard. 

As soon as the action had recommenced, General 
Arnold rode to the ground which was occupied by 
the guard of Major Hull. He called the officers 
around him, and inquired what number of men was 
at that post. He was informed that it consisted of 
the guard of two hundred and fifty men, and two 
regiments. General Arnold then said, that three 
hundred volunteers, to be commanded by a field offi- 
cer, must immediately reinforce the troops which 
were engaged. He repeated, that he wished them 
all to be volunteers. As none of the field officers 
offered their services. Major Hull observed to him, 
that he commanded the guard on that day, by an 
order from the Adjutant-General, but if he could be 
excused from that duty, he would be happy to com- 
mand the detachment. General Arnold replied, that 
he would excuse him, and directed the colonels of 
the two regiments to call for three hundred volunteers 
and a suitable number of captains and subalterns to 
command them. In a few moments, the number re- 
quired was paraded and formed into four companies, 
with the officers assigned to them. We at once 
commenced our march to the centre of the engage- 
ment. Major Hull was directed to receive his orders 
from General Poor of New Hampshire, who com 
manded troops then closely engaged with the enemy. 
He marched the detachment in columns of eight 
platoons. When it arrived near the line of fire. 
General Poor perceiving the reinforcement, sent his 



94 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

Brigade-Major, who informed Major Hull that the 
line was well supported in the centre and to the left, 
but that a body of militia were hard pressed on the 
right, and the General wished the detachment under 
his command to march to their support. On arriving 
at the ground, Major Hull found the militia retiring, 
and the enemy preparing a body of troops to attack 
the right of General Poor's brigade. 

On the right of the brigade was an open field of 
about eight or nine acres of ground, and nearly in 
the centre of it stood a log-house. There were a 
number of large dry trees scattered over the field, in 
which wheat had been cultivated. On the south side 
was rising ground, on which was a thin growth of 
wood. The east and north sides of the field were 
covered with thick wood ; but the west, where the 
right of General Poor's brigade was engaged, was 
more open. It was from this position that the militia 
had retreated. After viewing the ground for a few 
moments, and perceiving a line of the enemy a short 
distance beyond the north side of the field, within the 
wood, Major Hull marched his detachment, and formed 
on the rising ground, at the south side of the field ; 
his right extending to the wood, and his left towards 
the right of General Poor's brigade. 

Behind the log-house, and near the wood, were 
two pieces of field artillery, which were not per- 
ceived until the line had been formed for battle. 
These pieces were immediately turned upon us, while 
the infantry of the enemy were preparing to advance. 
The distance between the two lines was about thirty 
rods. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 95 

Major Hull directed his officers not to fire until 
he gave the word of command. When the order was 
given, every man was directed to fire as low as the 
enemy's knees, it being descending ground on which 
they stood. As their artillery had little effect, their 
infantry advanced, extending from the right to the 
left of the field, and keeping up a heavy fire, which 
killed and wounded some of our men. When they 
reached the centre of the field, Major Hull ordered 
his troops to fire. Many of the enemy fell, and their 
line became partially disordered. They did not re- 
treat, but slowly advanced, still continuing an inces- 
sant fire. We returned it as rapidly as our men could 
load, and with such effect as checked their advance 
and created considerable disorder in their ranks. The 
distance at this time between the two lines was not 
more than ten rods. 

The detachment of Major Hull had not moved 
from the ground it first occupied. He now ordered 
it to make a rapid advance and charge with the bay- 
onet. The enemy immediately retreated in confusion 
to the woods. We pursued, and the field was lite- 
rally covered with the dead and wounded. As the 
left of Major Hull's detachment approached the log- 
house, he directed the men to advance and secure the 
pieces of artillery. When near, they were fired on 
from the house. The officer in command marched 
up to the door, forced it open, and brought out a 
sergeant-major and nineteen privates. During the 
operation of storming the house and receiving the 
prisoners, the pieces of artillery were removed into 



96 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

the woods to which the enemy had retreated. Being 
thus covered, it was deemed inexpedient to advance, 
and the detachment fell back to the ground on which 
it had first formed. Major Hull here collected the 
wounded, which, together with the killed, amounted 
to nearly one hundred men. He sent the wounded, 
with about twenty prisoners, into camp. Captain 
Allen, a brave officer from Pittsfield, Massachusetts, 
was killed. Lieutenant John Clapp, who acted as 
adjutant, was shot dead at the moment that Major 
Hull was giving him an order to communicate to the 
troops. 

The enemy now moved around to the east side of 
the wood, in order to assail the right flank of our 
corps. Major Hull, perceiving this movement, changed 
his position. The contest was renewed, and on this 
ground, which was covered with wood, they fought 
the remainder of the afternoon. It was a sharp 
conflict, but very equal in point of strength. Some- 
times our troops gave ground, and sometimes those 
of the enemy. The battle continued until near the 
dusk of the evening. Major Hull now observed a 
body of troops on their march. He sent to inquire 
if General Poor, or any officer superior to himself in 
rank was present, as he would be happy to receive 
his orders, — that his detachment was fatigued, and 
its ammunition nearly exhausted. Colonel Cille^-y, 
of General Poor's brigade, was at the head of this 
corps. He replied, that he was marching into camp, 
and directed the troops under Major Hull to join him. 
Our men drew off' from the field of battle, and the 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 97 

enemy made no pursuit. Of the three hundred men 
who commenced the engagement, one-half were 
either killed or wounded. 

In this action Major Hull held a separate command. 
The eighth Massachusetts regiment, of which he was 
the Major, was led on in another quarter by Colonel 
Brooks. It was distinguished for its bravery, and the 
gallant conduct of its leader, and was the last to leave 
the field. 

This battle of the nineteenth of September com- 
menced between twelve and one o'clock, and contin- 
ued, with not more than half an hour's intermission, 
until nearly dark. There was a remarkable equality 
in the opposing forces, and it has justly been consid- 
ered by historians, as the most obstinate that took 
place during the war. 

From the commencement of the campaign, there 
had been much skirmishing and sharp fighting ; but 
this was the first contest that was held with the main 
body of Burgoyne's army, and his troops fought with 
almost unexampled bravery. 

General Burgoyne claimed the victory, because 
his army retained and slept on the field of battle. 
We claimed it, because he had entirely failed in his 
object, which was to force our camp, and compel us 
to abandon our position ; and because we had met 
him, entirely checked his progress, defeated his ob- 
ject, and retired to our camp without being pursued. 

The able historian. Judge Marshall, thus writes : 
" With reason, therefore, this action was celebrated 
throughout the United States, and considered as the 

7 



98 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

precursor of the total ruin of the invading army. 
Every where the utmost exultation was displayed ; 
and every where the militia were stimulated to fly to 
arms, and complete the work which was begun.' 

* Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. HI., page 288. 



55* 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 99 



CHAPTER XI„ 

Battle of the Seventh of October. — Surrender of the British Arhy 
bnder burgoyne. 

1777, 

After the battle of the nineteenth of September, 
no operations of importance took place, until the se- 
venth of October. General Burgoyne was in daily 
expectation of being informed that Sir Henry Clin- 
ton was ascending the Hudson for the purpose of co- 
operating with his army. As the forces of General 
Gates were continually augmenting by an accession 
of militia, he considered this delay favourable ; being 
well assured, that no immediate relief was at hand to 
extricate Burgoyne from his present critical situation. 
The interval was occupied by increasing the strength 
of our works, and disciplining the troops. 

The prospects of that formidable army which had 
advanced into our country with so much splendour 
and parade, now appeared gloomy and almost despe- 
rate. 

The provisions for its support were nearly ex- 
hausted, and the communication to the lakes was so 
interrupted, that no further supply could be obtained 
from Canada. Disappointed in not receiving that 
co-operation on which he had based his calculations, 



]00 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

there seemed nothing left to General Burgoyne to 
extricate himself from the difficulties by which he 
was surrounded, than a resolute appeal to the intre- 
pidity and strength of his troops. 

The very subsistence of his army now depended 
on forcing General Gates from his position, and thus 
opening his way into the country, to obtain the ne- 
cessary supplies. He took this desperate step on the 
seventh of October. In the afternoon of that day, he 
selected fifteen hundred of his most effective troops, 
with the addition of his grenadiers, light infantry, 
provincials, and savages. With this force he took the 
field, having with him ten pieces of artillery, consist- 
ing of twelve-pounders, six-pounders, and howitzers. 
He formed on the right of his encampment, and was 
assisted in command by Generals Frazer, Reidesel, 
and Philips. His object was, to possess himself of 
rising ground on the left of General Gates's position, 
and from that eminence, with his artillery to enfilade 
his line of defences and under cover of as near a 
cannonade as could be made, to storm with his co- 
lumns of infantry the whole left of the American en- 
campment. To favour this operation, he detached a 
small body of regulars, loyalists and savages, to make 
a detour around our left, and take a position in the 
rear of our encampment, and attack the left as soon 
as he commenced his operations on the flank. 

On this day. Major Hull again commanded the 
advanced guard in front of the left wing of the Ame- 
rican army. His guard consisted of about two hun- 
dred and fifty men. He was in a situation to ob- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. JQ| 

serve the enemy's movement, and sent frequent 
intelligence to General Gates, that every disposition 
of the enemy's forces indicated a serious attack that 
afternoon on our left. 

About twelve o'clock. General Burgoyne com- 
menced his march from his encampment. A part of 
Arnold's wing and Morgan's corps of riflemen were 
ordered to meet and attack him. The other part of 
Arnold's wing, with a part of the right, commanded 
by General Lincoln, were ordered to advance towards 
the enemy's lines and endeavour to cut off the com- 
munication between Burgoyne and the remainder of 
his army, which had been left for the security of his 
encampment, and likewise to repel any bodies of the 
enemy advancing from that quarter. 

As General Burgoyne approached, he passed the 
guard commanded by Major Hull, at the distance of 
about a quarter of a mile. The three regiments of 
Arnold's division had advanced within a small distance 
on the left of Major Hull's position. He received 
orders from General Arnold to form on the right of 
these regiments. 

When General Burgoyne had nearly reached the 
ground he intended to occu])y, he was furiously at- 
tacked by Morgan's regiment of riflemen, and Ar- 
nold's three regiments, including the guard com- 
manded by Major Hull. It was not long after the 
action commenced, before the British line began to 
give way. At this moment. General Frazer came up 
with a second line, which had been held in reserve. 
He was immediately attacked by Arnold's three regi- 



102 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

ments, Morgan's riflemen, and the guard of Major 
Hull. The impetuosity of the assault, and the va- 
loar and intrepidity with which it was met, soon 
thinned the ranks, and many fell on both sides, 
Burgoyne was compelled to retreat to his encamp- 
ment ; he was fiercely pursued, and says in his ac- 
count of the action, " we retreated, hot pressed, but 
in good order." 

As soon as the retreat commenced, Major Hull 
was ordered to take his station where his guard had 
been first posted, and assist in removing the prisoners, 
the wounded, and the artillery and arms which had 
been left on the field of battle. 

The British General being now driven from his 
position, was hotly pursued by Arnold and Morgan. 
The termination of the battle, as described by Charles 
Botta, is taken from the translation of George Otis, 
Esquire, 

" Upon this occasion Brigadier-General Frazer 
was mortally wounded ; an officer whose loss was 
severely felt by the English, and whose valour and 
abilities justified their regrets.* Their situation now 



* Professor Silliman, in a journal pointing to Frazer, said, 'Do you 

of his travels over the battle-ground, see that gallant officer? That is 

says, — " Frazer was the soul of this General Frazer. I respect and hon- 

battle of the seventh of October, and our him : but it is necessary that he 

was just changing the disposition of should die.' This was enough, 

the troops, to repel a strong impres- Frazer immediately received his 

sion which the Americans had made mortal wound, and was carried off 

and were still making on the British the field." High praise is certainly 

right, when Morgan called together due to this noble officer, but it may 

three of his best marksmen, and be a question, whether it should be 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. J 03 

became extremely critical: even their camp was 
threatened ; the enemy emboldened by victory was 
advancing to storm it, and if he arrived before the 
retreating detachment, there could be little hope of 
defending it. Philips and Reidesel were ordered to 
rally with all expedition those troops which were 
nearest or most disengaged, to cover the retreat of 
the others, while Burgoyne himself, fiercely pursued 
by Arnold, retired with precipitation towards the 
camp. The detachment at length, though with ex- 
treme difficulty, regained the intrenchments, having 
left however upon the field of battle a great immber 
of killed and wounded, particularly of the artillery 
corps, who had, with equal glory to themselves, and 
prejudice to the enemy, displayed the utmost ability 
in their profession, along with the most undaunted 
resolution. Six pieces of cannon also remained in 
the possession of the Americans. 

" But the business of the day was not yet ter- 
minated. The English had scarcely entered their 
camp, when the Americans, pursuing their success, as- 
saulted it in different parts with uncommon fierceness; 
rushing to the lines through a severe fire of grape- 
shot and small arms, with the utmost fury. Arnold 
especially, who on this day appeared intoxicated with 
the thirst of battle and carnage, led on the attack 
against a part of the intrenchments occupied by the 
light infantry, under Lord Balcares. But the Eng- 

bestowed so entirely at the expense every thing that was possible, under 
of Burgoyne, whose military ability circumstances of such disadvantage, 
and undaunted resolution effected 



104 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

lish received him with great vigour and spirit. The 
action was obstinate and sanguinary. At length, as 
it grew towards evening, Arnold having forced all 
obstacles, entered the works with some of the most 
fearless of his followers. But in this critical moment 
of glory and danger, he was grievously wounded in 
the same leg which had been already shattered at the 
assault of Quebec. To his great regret, he was 
constrained to retire. His party still continued the 
attack, and the English sustained it with obstinacy, 
till night separated the combatants. 

" The royalists were not so fortunate in another 
quarter. A republican detachment, commanded by 
Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, having succeeded by a 
circuitous movement in turning the right wing of the 
English, fell, sword in hand, upon the right flank of 
their intrenchments and made the most desperate ef- 
forts to carry them. This post was defended by 
Lieutenant-Colonel Breyman, at the head of the 
German reserve. The resistance at first was ex- 
ceedingly vigorous ; but Breyman being mortally 
wounded, his countrymen were damped, and at length 
routed, with great slaughter. Their tents, artillery 
and baggage, fell into the possession of the assail- 
ants. The Americans established themselves in the 
intrenchments. General Burgoyne, hearing of this 
disaster, ordered them to be dislodged immediately. 
But either in consequence of the approach of night, 
or from the discouragement of his troops, he was not 
obeyed, and the victors continued to occupy the po- 
sitions they had gained with so much glory. They 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. |05 

had now acquired an opening on the right and rear 
of the British army. The other American divisions 
passed the night under arms, at the distance of half 
a mile from the British camp. The loss in dead and 
wounded was great on both sides, but especially on 
the part of the English, of whom no few were also 
made prisoners. Majors Williams of the artillery and 
Ackland of the grenadiers, were among the latter. 
Many pieces of artillery, all the baggage of the Ger- 
mans, and many warlike stores, fell into the hands of 
the republicans, who needed them greatly. They 
were impatient for the return of day to renew the 
battle. 

" But deplorable and perilous beyond expression 
was the situation of the British troops ; they bore it, 
however, with admirable temper and firmness. It 
was evidently impossible to continue in their present 
position, without submitting to a certainty of destruc- 
tion on the ensuing day. The Americans, invigorated 
and encouraged, would certainly have profited by the 
access they had already opened to themselves on the 
right, and of other untenable points, to carry every 
part of the camp and completely surround the Brit- 
ish army. Burgoyne therefore determined to operate 
a total change of ground. He executed this move- 
ment with admirable order, and without any loss. 
During the night he silently drew off his troops, ar- 
tillery and camp furniture, and occupied the heights 
higher up the river."* 

* Otis's Botta, Vol. II., pages 315, 16, 17. 



106 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

Although Major Hull had a separate command on 
this momentous day, and acted not an unimportant 
part in the battle, yet he remarks : " I always re- 
gretted, that as I was the Major and then second in 
command to Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks in the eighth 
Massachusetts regiment, that, by the routine of duty, 
I was absent from it at the time when it stormed and 
entered the intrenchments of the British on the right. 

" This was a brilliant close to the achievements of 
the seventh of October. Some historians of the Rev- 
olution have stated that the regiment was led on by 
Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, and myself as Major, 
having thus given me credit to which 1 am not en- 
titled. The fact not being founded in truth. I feel a 
pleasure in contradicting it. My situation has been 
precisely stated." 

The fate of General Burgoyne's army seemed 
now decided. We had gained a complete victory 
over the most effective portion of his troops, com- 
manded by himself in person, and assisted by his 
best Generals. We had advanced to his lines, and 
by the force of the bayonet, obtained possession of 
the most commanding part of them. All the artillery 
which he had carried into the field, and those in the 
works, had fallen into our hands. We had taken 
between two and three hundred prisoners, and killed 
and wounded more than that number, and all with 
comparatively a small loss on our part. General Gates 
declined giving battle the next day, sensible that 
nothing should be risked under his present superior 
advantages. He felt assured that there were other 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. JQ? 

and less expensive means of reducing his foe^ than 
by blood and carnage. The impossibility of his es- 
cape from a vigilant and ever-increasing army ; the 
want of provisions ; the want of the munitions of 
war, of which defeat had greatly deprived him ; and 
above all, the want of that co-operation, upon which 
he had reasonably relied, closed every avenue of hope 
to the British, while it opened the brightest prospects 
for the final success of the American arms. 

" General Burgoyne," says Major Hull, " com- 
menced his retreat to Saratoga on the evening of the 
eighth of October. The following day it rained inces- 
santly ; we continued in our tents until morning, when 
orders came to begin the pursuit. General Gates had 
in the mean time taken measures to advance parties 
in front of the enemy on both sides of the river, to 
obstruct his retreat to Lake George. At Saratoga, 
the British halted, and took possession of the fortifi- 
cations, which they had erected on their march down- 
wards. 

" The brigade to which our regiment was attached, 
was commanded by General Learned, and consisted 
of three regiments. It was directed to pass a creek, 
on which General Schuyler's mills were established, 
and which was much swollen by the rain, to take a 
position on the west side of Saratoga. While in this 
situation and near the fortifications, a deserter came 
from Burgoyne's camp and informed General Learned, 
that the whole British army had retreated to Fort Ed- 
ward, and that only a small guard was left in the fort. 

The brigade was immediately ordered to attack 



108 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

the fort ; it advanced to within a very small distance, 
when General Wilkinson, who was Adjutant-General 
of the army, rode up and ordered an immediate re- 
treat. At this time not a gun had been fired on us 
by the enemy, and in a few minutes more we should 
have been up to their breastworks. They rose from 
behind them, and commenced a tremendous fire 
upon us of grapeshot and musketry. We lost a few 
men, but soon took a position out of the reach of their 
guns. The pretended deserter disappeared. It was 
believed that he was employed by General Burgoyne 
to give this false information. Fortunately, General 
Gates had been apprised, before it was too late, that 
the whole British army was at Saratoga, and sent the 
counter orders, which saved us from impending de- 
struction. We remained watching the enemy, and 
lying constantly on our arms." 

At this juncture the historian Bottathus writes : 
" It exceeds the power of words to describe the 
pitiable condition to which the British army was now 
reduced. The troops, worn down by a series of hard 
toil, incessant effort, and stubborn action ; abandoned 
by the Indians and Canadians ; the whole army re- 
duced by repeated and heavy losses of many of their 
best men and most distinguished officers, from ten 
thousand combatants to less than five thousand effec- 
tive fighting men, of whom little more than three 
thousand were English ; under these circumstances, 
and in this state of weakness, without a possibility 
of retreat, they were invested by an army of four 
times their own number, whose position extended 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. J 09 

three parts in four of a circle round them ; who 
refused to fight, from a knowledge of their condition ; 
and who, from the nature of the ground, could not 
be attacked in any part. In this helpless situation, 
obliged to lie constantly on their arms, whilst a con- 
tinued cannonade pervaded the camp, and rifle and 
grapeshot fell within every part of their lines, the 
troops of Burgoyne retained their ordinary constancy, 
and while sinking under a hard necessity, they showed 
themselves worthy of a better fate. Nor could they 
be reproached with any action or word which betrayed 
a want of temper or of fortitude. At length, no 
succour appearing, and no rational ground of hope of 
any kind remaining, an exact account of the provi- 
sions was taken, on the morning of the thirteenth, 
when it was found that the whole stock would afford 
no more than three days' bare subsistence for the 
army. In such a state, it was alike impossible to 
advance or to remain as they were ; and the longer 
they delayed to take a definitive resolution, the more 
desperate became their situation. 

" Burgoyne, therefore, called a council of war, at 
which not only the generals and field officers, but all 
the captains of companies, were invited to assist. 
While they deliberated, the bullets of the Americans 
whistled around them, and frequently pierced even 
the tent where the council was convened. It was 
determined unanimously to open a treaty, and enter 
into a convention with the American General. This 
was accordingly done, and by the articles of conven- 
tion, the captured army was allowed to march out 



110 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

with the honours of war, and pile their arms without 
the camp."* 

General Gates with the utmost delicacy Avithdrew 
his troops, while his gallant foe was performing this 
humiliating duty. Major Hull writes : " 1 was pre- 
sent when they marched into our camp ; and words 
cannot describe the deep interest felt by every 
American heart ; nor was there wanting sympathy 
for those, who had so bravely opposed us in the con- 
test. A general rejoicing of our country was now 
to take place, and scatter the gloom which but a few 
months back had deeply settled upon it. Dangers 
seemed past, and a bright future opened to our view. 
We were cheered by the hope that an overruling 
Providence was guiding our destinies, and leading us 
to a glorious termination of our long endured trials." 

Sir Henry Clinton did not arrive in the Highlands 
on the North river, until the fifth of October, when 
he debarked his troops at Stony Point, marched 
through the gorges of the mountains, and stormed 
Forts Clinton and Montgomery, which were com- 
manded by Governor Clinton of the State of New- 
York, and General James Clinton, his brother. After 
the reduction of these forts, all the positions in the 
Highlands were abandoned by General Putnam, who 
commanded on that station, and the British fleet and 
army proceeded up the river as far as Esopus, and 
burned that flourishing village. This took place 
about the time that General Burgoyne surrendered. 

* Otis's Botta, Vol. 11., pages 324, 6. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. |1| 

Had Sir Henry Clinton early in October, after 
taking possession of the Highlands, advanced to the 
relief of Burgoyne, the fortunes of his army might 
have been very different. The probability is that the 
two armies would have formed a junction, and made 
a strong establishment in the Highlands. This would 
very much have interrupted the communication be- 
tween the Eastern and the Southern States, and have 
afforded great facilities to the operations of Sir Wil- 
liam Howe in Pennsylvania. 

How long they could have continued in possession 
of this important communication, would have depend- 
ed on the spirit, the energy, and the patriotism of the 
New England States. 

Sir Henry Clinton not having sufficient force to 
retain his conquests in the Highlands, returned to 
New- York ; and his retreat every where exhibited 
the most wanton marks of plunder, burning, and deso- 
lation. 



112 REVOLUTIONARY SER\1CES AND CIVIL 



CHAPTER XII. 

Valley-Forge. — StTFEKiNGS of the Ajierican Arjit. 

1777-8. 

After the close of the successful campaign at the 
northward, the eighth Massachusetts regiment was 
ordered, with other troops of General Gates's army, to 
march to Pennsylvania and reinforce the army under 
General Washington, at Whitemarsh. " When the 
order was communicated to our regiment," says 
Major Hull, " a feeling of disappointment was appa- 
rent. It was now November, the usual season for 
the troops to enjoy the comforts of winter-quarters. 
They felt that they had done enough for one cam- 
paign. The regiment had early in the spring marched 
from Boston to Ticonderoga ; had retreated through 
a wilderness from that place to the Hudson ; had 
marched to the relief of Fort Stanwix, on the Mo- 
hawk ; had returned, and been engaged in all the 
battles that were fought with General Burgoyne's 
army. 

" After this severe service, by which the most 
important advantages had been rendered to their 
country, they expected to rest from their toils. Many 
hoped to be indulged in a visit to their friends, and 
realize the pleasing anticipations of relating to them 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLL\:\I HULL. J|3 

the wonderful scenes through which they liad passed 
— their ' hair-breadth 'scapes,' and the glorious re- 
sults of their efforts ; to show their honourable scars, 
and to sympathize with the friends of those who had 
fallen around them in battle. But a sense of duty 
checked these natural feelings, and without a mur- 
mur, with cheerful submission to orders, they marched, 
at this inclement season, to afford aid to their com- 
panions, and gratify the wishes of the beloved leader 
of the armies of his country. 

" It was shortly after the battles of Brandywine 
and Germantown, in which the Americans had been 
repulsed, that the interesting meeting of the two 
armies took place. One had encountered defeat in 
its operations ; the other had triumphed in victory. 
Yet if skill, bravery, and resolution could command 
success, the troops of Washington had richly deserved 
it. But no presumption was exhibited on the one 
side, nor envy on the other. The kindest feelings 
mutually prevailed throughout the camp. 

" A few days after the junction of the two armies, 
General Howe marched out from Philadelphia with 
his principal force, and took a position about two 
miles in front of the American lines. 

" From this movement, it became apparent that his 
object was a general engagement. A strong posi- 
tion had been taken by Washington, which he deem- 
ed it expedient to retain. He was diligent in review- 
ing his troops ; expressed the conviction that a gene- 
ral action was now to take place, and his confidence 
that it would result in victory to the American arms. 
8 



114 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

He suggested every consideration that could excite 
the ambition and animate the spirit of his army. He 
first addressed himself to those he had commanded in 
person during the campaign, and informed them, that 
an opportunity was now presented, and he was as- 
sured that nothing else but such an opportunity was 
wanting, to demonstrate that they were equal in pa- 
triotism and valour to the conquerors from the north, 
who were now to fight by their sides. To the north- 
ern troops he said, that they would now have it in their 
power to add fresh laurels to those they had gathered 
with so much honour to themselves and glory to the 
nation. He then called on all, as they regarded the 
freedom and independence of their country, the fame 
of its arms, and its future happiness and prosperity, 
to decide on the manly resolution of meeting death 
or victory in the impending conflict. The earnest- 
ness, the energy, and the ardour with which he 
spoke ; the self-devotion which his whole manner 
expressed, had an effect which it is impossible to de- 
scribe. Every man believed himself a hero, and per- 
haps the opportunity was only wanting, to prove that 
his thoughts were not far from the truth. 

The first day, the enemy appeared to be recon- 
noitering our right, and making demonstration, as if 
to commence an attack on that quarter. They 
then changed their position, and moved their princi- 
pal force to our left, where the northern troops were 
stationed, and advanced within less than a mile of it. 
Not a doubt now remained, but that the attack would 
be made in that quarter the following morning. Mor- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. H^ 

gan's corps of riflemen, with some Pennsylvania mi- 
litia, were engaged with light parties of the British, 
between the lines of the two armies. Major Morris, 
a brave and valuable officer, who had served in the 
northern campaign, was killed, with many of his 
men. As General Washington did not think proper 
to reinforce these troops, and thus risk a battle on 
that ground, Morgan was obliged to retreat. The 
enemy made no further advances, but returned to 
Philadelphia. Every disposition of their forces on 
this occasion indicated, that it was the intention of 
Sir William Howe to bring the Americans to a gene- 
ral engagement. He was probably deterred by the 
strong position General Washington had taken, and 
likewise from a knowledge of the fact, that his army 
had been reinforced by troops from the north. 

" It must have been evident to the British Gene- 
ral, that the American Commander had no desire to 
avoid an action, provided he was attacked in the po- 
sition he had taken. 

" General Washington now marched towards the 
Schuylkill, and on the twelfth of December crossed 
to the west side of the river, and halted at Valley 
Forge, about twenty miles from Philadelphia. 

" The ground selected for the encampment was 
covered with woods, and bounded on one side by the 
Schuylkill, on the other by ridges of hills. General 
Washington informed the army, that this was the 
place for their winter quarters. There were no 
houses, nor materials provided to build barracks. 
Axes were furnished to fell the trees, and in a little 
time log huts were erected to shelter the troops. 



IIQ REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

" Not a murmur or complaint was heard ; all 
cheerfully engaged in the labour, and soon the army 
was comfortably established. The huts were gene- 
rally fourteen by sixteen feet. Twelve privates were 
allowed a hut, and the number of officers according 
to their rank. A General was entitled to a hut by 
himself. The encampment was regularly laid out ; 
the streets ran in parallel lines ; neatness and order 
prevailed ; and in viewing it from the hills, it had the 
appearance of a little city. 

" To render the condition of the soldiers more 
like home. General Washington directed that regi- 
ments from the same State should occupy a certain 
street or division of the camp. The whole of the 
location was surrounded by intrenchments, and a 
bridge was thrown over the Schuylkill, to preserve 
the communication with the country, and to afford 
facilities to supplies for the army. 

" Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks united with me in 
preparing our new home. 

" The hut we occupied consisted of one room. 
This was dining-room, parlour, kitchen, and hall. 
On one side, shelves were put up for our books, hav- 
ing been so fortunate as to purchase a part of a cir- 
culating library that had been brought from Phila- 
delphia. On another stood a row of Derby cheeses, 
sent from Connecticut by my mother ; a luxury of 
which the camp could rarely boast, and with which 
visiters to the hut were often regaled To give an 
air of greater comfort, we mixed some clay and wa- 
ter, and with this preparation painted the domicil, 
which our' neighbours now declared to be quite an 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. H? 

elegant mansion." Mrs. Washington was with her 
husband a part of the winter. She writes thus to a 
friend ; " The General's apartment is very small, he 
has had a log cabin built to dine in, which has made 
our quarters much more tolerable than they were at 
first." 

But while endeavouring to afford to their situa- 
tion and that of others, every possible alleviation, 
famine and its natural consequence, mutiny, were 
threatening the army with dissolution. 

At this moment General Washington received in- 
formation that Sir William Howe had crossed the 
Schuylkill with a large body of troops, and advanced 
as far as Darby, to collect a quantity of forage, be- 
tween the American camp and that place. 

The possession of the forage was so important to 
the British, that it was expected that General Wash- 
ington would detach a superior force, to prevent its 
being obtained. 

His trying situation is best described by his letter 
to Congress at that time. 

" Yesterday afternoon, receiving information that 
the enemy, in force, had left the city and were ad- 
vancing towards Darby, with the apparent design to 
forage and draw subsistence from that part of the 
country, I ordered the troops to be in readiness, 
that I might give every opposition in my power; 
when behold, to my great mortification, I was not 
only informed, but convinced, that the men were un- 
able to stir on account of provisions, and that a dan- 
gerous mutiny began the night before, and which, 
though with difficulty suppressed by the spirited exer- 



•[18 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

tions of some officers, was still much to be apprehend- 
ed, for the want of this article. This brought forth 
the only Commissary in the purchasing line in this 
camp ; and with him, this melancholy and alarming 
truth, that he had not a single hoof of any kind to 
slaughter — and not more than twenty-five barrels of 
flour ! From hence, form an opinion of our situation, 
when 1 add, that he could not tell when to expect 
any. All I could do under these circumstances was, 
to send out a few light parties, to watch and harass 
the enemy, whilst other parties were instantly de- 
tached in different ways to collect, if possible, as 
much provision as would satisfy the present pressing 
wants of the soldiery. But will this answer ? No, 
sir ; three or four days of bad weather would prove 
our destruction." 

Extracts from two letters, received by General 
Washington on the twenty-second of December, will 
be enough to show the grounds upon which these 
statements are made. 

" I received an order," writes General Hunting- 
ton, " to hold my brigade in readiness to march. 
Fighting will be far preferable to starving. My bri- 
gade is out of provisions, nor can the Commissary 
obtain any meat. I am exceedingly unhappy in 
being the bearer of complaints to head-quarters. I 
have used every argument my imagination can invent, 
to make the soldiers easy, but I despair of being able 
to do it much longer."* 

The next is from General Varnum — " Accord- 

* The Writings of Washington, Vol. V,, page 197. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. Jjg 

ing to the saying of Solomon, hunger will break 
through a stone wall. It is therefore a very pleasing 
circumstance to the division under my command, 
that there is a probability of their marching. Three 
days successively we have been destitute of bread. 
Two days we have been entirely without meat. The 
men must be supplied or they cannot be commanded. 
The complaints are too urgent to pass unnoticed. 
It is with pain I mention this distress. I know it 
will make your Excellency unhappy, but if you ex- 
pect the exertion of virtuous principle, while your 
troops are deprived of the necessaries of life, your 
final disappointment will be great, in proportion to 
the patience which now astonishes every man of 
human feeling."* 

General Washington finding himself unable to do 
more, now sent out small detachments to reinforce 
Morgan's riflemen and Lee's cavalry, with some 
Pennsylvania militia, who were advanced on the west 
side of the Schuylkill. 

Major Hull was directed to march on this service, 
with three hundred men, and receive his orders from 
Colonel Morgan. 

During the week the British were engaged in 
collecting forage, we hovered around, availing of every 
opportunity to annoy and harass them. The weather" 
was intensely cold ; the troops were twenty miles 
from the camp, and directly in the face of the enemy. 
They were in almost constant motion, and at night 

* The Writings of Washington, Vol. V., page 193. 



120 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

could keep no fires or light of any kind lest they 
should be discovered by the enemy. Their safety 
depended on their vigilance. They rarely entered a 
house, and only kept from freezing by activity, and 
incessant marching from one point to another. 

Frequent rencounters v^ith light parties of the en- 
emy occurred, which usually terminated favourably 
to the Americans, and in the capture of prisoners. 
When Sir William Howe returned to Philadelphia, 
we followed in his rear for some distance ; but the 
necessity for further effort ceasing, we retired to the 
encampment, and found our hut a very agreeable ex- 
change for the exposed condition which the peculiar 
service had required. 

But though the army w\is now relieved of an out- 
ward enemy, there was an internal foe more difficult 
to combat, more insufferable in its demands on their 
remaining strength : it was famine. Day after day 
passed and no provisions were issued.* At first the 
privation caused a little excitement and inquiry from 
the soldiers as to the cause. They were informed by 
the officers that the provisions were exhausted, and 
the heavy rains having rendered the roads almost im- 
passable for the wagons, the supplies had not arrived, 
but were hourly expected. This satisfied them at 
first, but day after day passing without any relief, 
their complaints became louder and more serious. 

* Much of tliis distress v,-as occa- had been opposed by General Wasli- 

sioned by Congress having ordered ington, who foresaw tlie danger, but 

a change in the Commissary's de- was unable to convince others of its 

partment. An arrangement, vrhich reality. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. |21 

They began to assemble, first by regiments, to con- 
sult as to the measures they should adopt ; the excite- 
ment soon extended to Brigades and Divisions of the 
army. The officers made no attempt to exercise their 
authority, but only used advice. The soldiers were 
told that General Washington was their best friend ; 
that he perfectly knew their situation, and deeply 
sympathized in their sufferings, and was doing every 
thing in his power to relieve them. He informed 
them that provisions would soon arrive in the camp, 
and in the meanwhile, insubordination on their part, 
would only lead to unhappy consequences. 

The soldiers replied that they perfectly knew the 
impropriety of such a step in ordinary cases, but to 
prevent actual starvation, something must be done for 
their relief. They had been told some days before, 
that provisions were expected, but this did not satisfy 
the cravings of hunger. They then communicated 
to us the plan on which they had decided, and in 
which most of the army concurred.. Their determi- 
nation was, to march in an orderly manner into the 
country, collect sufficient provisions, wherever they 
were to be found, to supply their present necessities, 
and to give certificates as to the quantity and value, 
to those from whom they were taken. They would 
then return to the cantonment and their duty. The 
troops were desired to suspend this movement for an 
hour, until their distressed condition was again repre- 
sented to their General. They consented. When 
the officers made this communication to General 
Washington, he was deeply affected. He said, that 



122 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

he well knew the sufferings of his faithful soldiers ; 
that he admired their forbearance and moderation, 
and would now assure them that if by such an hour 
the wagons did not arrive, he himself would lead the 
troops into the country, and supply them with pro- 
visions wherever they might be found. 

The soldiers agreed to wait : the provisions ar- 
rived within the time, and the settled dissatisfaction 
which so generally prevailed, and which foreboded 
such fatal consequences, was quieted for the present. 

But afterwards the same distress recurred. The 
army was sometimes a week without receiving meat 
of any kind. 

Another letter from General Washington, written 
at a subsequent period, will show the miserable desti- 
tution of that army, which was appointed for the 
defence, and looked to as the protector of the nation. 

" For some days past there has been little less 
than a famine in the camp. A part of the army has 
been a week without any kind of flesh, and the rest 
three or four days. Naked and starving as they 
are, we cannot enough admire the incomparable pa- 
tience and fidelity of the soldiery, that they have not 
been ere this excited by their suffering to a general 
mutiny and dispersion. Strong symptoms, however, 
of discontent have appeared in particular instances ; 
and nothing but the most active efforts everywhere 
can long avert so shocking a catastrophe." ^ 



* Letter to Govemor George Clinton, February 16, 1778. " Writings 
of Washington," Vol. V., page 239. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 123 

" Such was the scarcity of blankets, that many of 
the men were obliged to sit up all night by the fires, 
without covering, to protect them while taking the 
common refreshment of sleep. Although the officers 
were better provided, yet none were exempt from 
exposure, privations, and hardships. Notwithstanding 
this deplorable condition of the army, there were not 
wanting those who complained of its inactivity, and 
insisted on a winter campaign. When the encamp- 
ment was begun at Valley Forge, the whole number 
of men in the field was eleven thousand and ninety- 
eight ; of whom two thousand eight hundred and 
ninety-eight were unfit for duty, being barefoot, and 
otherwise naked." * 

In the midst of these calamities, the small-pox 
broke out in the camp. Those who had never taken 
the infection were innoculated. Destitute of the 
comforts so much needed in this dreadful disease ; 
lodged in huts illy calculated for sickness ; without a 
proper supply of blankets, and the necessary articles 
of clothing to shield the unhappy sufferers from the 
cold, the camp exhibited a scene of misery which it 
is not in the power of language to describe. 

Had Sir William Howe attacked our army under 
this accumulation of wretchedness and want, he 
would have forced General Washington from his can- 
tonment ; the sick and the feeble must have become 
prisoners, and in retreating to the back part of Penn- 
sylvania, to which step necessity would have com- 

* Sparks' Life and Writings of Washington, Vol. I., page 277. 



124 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

pelled him, he could have carried but little more than 
the shadow of an army. 

But while so direful a calamity was averted by an 
overruling Providence, a new trial awaited General 
Washington in his perilous and difficult course. 

A faction was forming, the object of which was, 
to make an impression on the public mind that he 
was not equal- to the important duties of his station. 
This faction was composed of several officers of the 
army, of high rank, soilie members of Congress, and 
a few persons of political distinction in the different 
States. General Conway, a foreigner, was conspi- 
cuous in this cabal. To create a prejudice against 
Wasliington, his retreat from New-York into Penn- 
sylvania, his retreat from the head of Elk, his defeat 
at the battles of Brandy wine and Germantown, with 
other circumstances of his conduct, represented in the 
most unfavourable colours, were circulated with great 
industry. General Gates was designated to succeed 
him. He was represented as a great and consum- 
mate commander. The splendid victories of the 
north, by which a great army had been captured, 
were owing to the wisdom of his arrangements ; and 
that were he the Commander-in-chief, the war would 
be conducted by the same wisdom, and the same glo- 
rious results would be produced. 

The address and talents of the leaders of this fac- 
tion, made little impression on the public mind ; and 
the momentary mist cleared away, like the morning 
dew before the splendour of the sun. Even the 
northern army, which had been commanded by Ge- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. |25 

neral Gates, and from which he had great hopes of 
support, was indignant, and steadily adhered to their 
old and beloved Commander. 

Some time after. General Conway was wounded 
in a duel. He believed he was dying. In that 
solemn hour, ambition ceased to be the ruling pas- 
sion of his soul ; and, sensible of his injustice, he 
thus wrote to General Washington : 

" I find myself just able to hold my pen, during 
a few minutes, and take this opportunity of express- 
ing my sincere grief, for having done, written or said 
any thing disagreeable to your Excellency. My ca- 
reer will soon be over, therefore justice and truth 
prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You are 
in my eyes, the great and good man. May you long 
enjoy the love, veneration, and esteem of these 
States, whose liberties you have asserted by your 
virtues. 

" I am, with the greatest respect, &c. 

" Thomas Conway."* 

Other letters have been published, which give the 
details of this abortive attempt to darken, if not de- 
stroy the fame of the leader of our armies. 

It was evident to all, that General Washington 
felt more concern on account of the public evils which 
must ensue, by creating divisions in the army and 
country, than from any effects by which he might be 
personally implicated. 

* Writings of Washington, Vol. V., page 517. 



126 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Baron Steuben ArroiNTED a Major-Genekal in the Army. — Lafayette 

SENT WITH A DETACHMENT TO WATCH THE EnEMY. HiS ESCAPE FROM 

THE British Army. — Major Hull in the Detachment sent to reinforce 
HIM. — Meeting of Lafayette and General Hull in 1824. 

1777-8. 

Soon after the establishment of the cantonment 
at Valley Forge, Baron Steuben was appointed by 
Congress a Major-General in the army. General 
Conway had resigned his situation of Inspector-Gen- 
eral, after the defeat of the faction in which he had 
been a leader, and his office was now filled by Baron 
Steuben. 

This officer had served a number of campaigns in 
the armies of the King of Prussia, and came highly 
recommended to this country. He was perfectly 
famihar with the military tactics of the Prussian King, 
and established the same in our army as far as they 
would apply to its circumstances and organization. 
They were simple and uniform. He considered no 
part of the manual exercise essential, except to han- 
dle the firelock in such a manner as to have the entire 
control of it, to load, take good aim, and fire as fast 
as possible. He likewise taught one uniform mode 
of forming columns, and drawing up in a line in any 
direction the situation of the enemy rendered expe- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. J 27 

dient ; either in front, to the right flank, the left 
flank, or the rear. 

Major Hull, among other field officers, was ap- 
pointed to assist him in these duties, and from his 
teachings they received much valuable instruction. 

The advantages of the system soon became appa- 
rent. Under the simple and beautiful exercises he 
introduced, the army moved like a great machine, 
whose various parts unite to form a perfect whole. 

On questions of military discipline, Steuben is 
appealed to, and his authority viewed as decisive. 
His system has been adopted in the training of the 
militia, our great national defence, and has been a 
powerful means of rendering it efficient. As long as 
his cotemporaries live, his talents and exertions will 
be remembered, while his name and his works will 
descend to posterity, among other great instruments 
which gave peace, independence, and prosperity to 
our country. 

Baron Steuben was amiable and intelligent, and 
highly respected by all who knew him. On the es- 
tablishment of peace, he retired to the western part 
of the State of New- York, and resided in the town 
of Steuben, named in honor of him. In this chosen 
spot he spent the residue of his days. 

General Washington having received information 
which indicated an intention on the part of the Bri- 
tish to evacuate Philadelphia, selected about twenty- 
five hundred of his best troops, giving the command 
of them to Major-General Lafayette. 

On the nineteenth of May this detachment crossed 



128 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

the Schuylkill to the east, and proceeded down the 
river, about eleven miles towards Philadelphia. Gen- 
eral Washington's instructions to Lafayette were, 
" The detachment under your command, with which 
you will immediately march towards the enemy's 
lines, is designed to answer the following purpose, 
namely : to be a security to this camp, and a cover 
to the country between the Delaware and Schuyl- 
kill, to interrupt the communication with Philadel- 
phia, to obstruct the incursions of the enemy's parties, 
and to obtain intelligence of their motions and de- 
signs." 

Sir William Howe having been advised of this 
mov^ement, and of the situation of the Marquis, 
formed the design of capturing the whole detach- 
ment. To effect this he divided his army into three 
bodies, the right commanded by General Grant, the 
left by General Grey, and the centre by himself and 
Sir Henry Clinton. He directed General Grant, 
whose force consisted of five thousand men, to take 
the Delaware road, make a circuitous march to White- 
marsh, and at daylight in the morning, to take a po- 
sition directly in the rear of the Marquis. General 
Grey was ordered to proceed up the road, on the east 
of the Schuylkill, and halt directly in front ; and the 
centre division, under hisown command, to occupy 
ground on the left flank of the Marquis's detachment. 
These movements having been executed by the ene- 
my, the Marquis at once saw his danger ; his little 
army was surrounded on three sides, and each body 
of the enemy superior in numbers to his whole de- 
tachment. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. |29 

With the most perfect calmness and intrepidity, 
which inspired his officers with confidence in his skill 
and power to extricate himself, he immediately or- 
dered a retreat to Matson's ford, as the road to 
Swede's ford was then occupied by the enemy. A 
wood separated him from the division of General 
Grant. Lafayette masked his retreat by sending out 
small parties into the wood, that they might show 
themselves as heads of columns moving against the 
front of Grant's division. 

This ruse de guerre succeeded admirably ; for, 
while the attention of the enemy was distracted and 
their progress delayed, Lafayette made good use 
of the time, gained the ford, crossed the river, and 
posted himself in a strong position on the western 
side. General Washington received information of 
the advance of the British army before the Marquis 
retreated. Alarm guns were fired in the camp, and 
a detachment sent to reinforce him. Major Hull was 
with this detachment. It arrived and met the retreat- 
ing troops near the ford, just after they had crossed 
the river. The British were on the opposite bank ;: 
they soon, however, returned to Philadelphia, withoufi 
having gained their expected prize. 

Some skirmishing took place, while the detach- 
ment was crossing the river. The loss on our part 
was not more than nine or ten men. Two of the 
enemy's light-horse were killed, and several wounded. 
Lafayette was taken by surprise ; but the surprise is 
no reflection on his foresight or military skill. It was 
owing to the negligence of a body of six hundred 

9 



130 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL ' 

militia, stationed at Whitemarsh, to give information 
of the movements of the enemy. They had aban- 
doned their post of duty, without the Marquis's orders 
or knowledge. This enabled General Grant to ad- 
vance and gain his rear, from which dangerous situ- 
ation the youthful General extricated his detachment 
by his calmness, skill, and celerity, in the critical 
moment of impending capture. 

The Marquis de Lafayette was a young noble- 
man of one of the most ancient and respectable 
families of France. Under the age of twenty-one 
years, a Captain in the armies of his country, ardent 
for military fame, and before an alliance had been 
formed with this nation in 1776, he offered his ser- 
vices to the American Commissioners, then in Paris. 
He considered the cause of America as just ; that she 
was contending for her rights ; importuned for years 
before, in a spirit of loyal forbearance, touching to 
every generous heart. His sympathies and his love 
of republican principles were enlisted in her behalf. 
At first his offer was accepted; but shortly after, 
intellijrence of new misfortunes arrived ; and so dark 
was the cloud which then hung over the destinies of 
our country, that all hopes of success in the Revolution 
seemed extinct, and the Commissioners generously 
endeavoured to dissuade him from his purpose. "No," 
replied the noble Lafayette, " this is the very moment 
to serve your cause." 

Nor was his ardour damped when they were 
" obliged to acknowledge to him the humiliating fact, 
that they possessed not the means nor the credit suffi- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. |3| 

cient for procuring a single vessel in all the ports of 
France. ' Then,' exclaimed the youthful hero, ' I will 
provide my own ! ' — and it is a literal fact, that when 
all America was too poor to offer him so much as a 
passage to her shores, he left, in his tender youth, the 
bosom of home, of happiness, of wealth, and of rank, 
to plunge in the dust and blood of our inauspicious 
struggle."* 

As a volunteer he arrived among us. He first 
distinguished himself in the battles of Brandywine 
and Germantown, where he was twice wounded. 
In 1777, he was appointed by Congress a Major- 
General. Lafayette was amiable, modest, indus- 
trious, and skilled in his profession. His fortune was 
expended in our service, and he successfully employed 
every talent, to perform his duties, and reward the 
high confidence which had been reposed in him. He 
was beloved and greatly respected in the army ; nor 
were these feelings less lively, nor less sincere, among 
a long list of old officers whom he had superseded in 
rank. But his services were not confined to military 
duty. He returned to France, and by his represen- 
tations, his zeal and influence, he not only aided in 
procuring for us arms, clothing, and loans, but was 
instrumental in convincing the King and his minis- 
ters, of the advantage of forming an alliance with 
America, and assisting her with her fleets and armies. 
His name is identified with the glorious triumph of 



* Oration of Edward Everett, be- Cambridge, Mass., August 27, 1824, 
fore the Phi Beta Kappa Society at General Lafayette being present. 



132 



REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 



the Revolution ; he is viewed as one of the founders 
of our national existence ; and his memory lives in 
the heart of every true American * 



* When General Lafayette was 
in Boston in 1824, it was the happi- 
ness of General Hull, to receive, by 
General Lafayette's appointment, a 
visit from his old companion in arms. 
The venerable warriors met. The 
recollection of the past crowded on 
their minds, and the scene was one 
of touching solemnity. But the 
youth of two generations were be- 
fore them, and their warm sympa- 



thies soon flowed into the channel of 
present enjoyment. The children 
and the grand-children of General 
Hull were honoured with the atten- 
tion of Lafayette ; and who that ever 
witnessed his warm reception of the 
friends of his youth, and his affec- 
tionate manner to children, can be in- 
sensible to the feelings of that hour, 
in which the interests of three gen- 
erations were concentrated ! 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. J 33 



CHAPTER XIV. 

The Battle of Monmouth, 

1778, 

On the seventeenth of June, the British army 
evacuated Philadelphia, under the command of Sir 
Henry Clinton, and passed into New Jersey, Gen- 
eral Washington was then at Valley Forge. His 
force numbered rather more than that of the British. 
As the enemy slowly advanced up the Delaware, he 
manifested an intention of marching to New- York. 
It was however difficult to ascertain the route he 
would take. General Washington called a council 
of officers to deliberate, whether it was expedient to 
march and take a position on his front or his flank, so 
as to bring on a general action, or only to harass his 
flank and rear with light parties. General Lee, who 
had been exchanged, was one of the council. Being 
next to Washington in rank, and possessing great 
military experience, his opinion had much weight. 
He contended that, under the circumstances, the 
Fabian policy was expedient. He urged that the 
alliance with France rendered our independence 
certain, and the possibility of failure in a general 
battle, ought not to be hazarded. A majority of the 
officers coincided with him. Washington held oppo- 



134 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

site views, and was sustained by many of his officers, 
among whom were Generals Lafayette, Steuben^ 
Greene, and Wayne. He remarked, that in an open 
country, a pursuing army had the advantage of one 
retreating ; that the British were incumbered with 
invalids and baggage ; that the most direct road to 
Amboy was a long march ; and concluded by saying, 
that so favourable an opportunity for attack, ought 
not to be lost. 

Sir Henry Clinton having commenced his march 
through New Jersey, General Washington detached 
General Maxwell's brigade, in conjunction with the 
mihtia of that State, to impede and interrupt his pro- 
gress ; that time might thereby be afforded to the 
army under his command to come up with them, and 
take advantage of any favourable circumstances that 
might be presented. 

Washington crossed the Delaware at Coryell's 
ferry, and from thence detached six hundred men, 
under Colonel Morgan, to reinforce General Maxwell. 
Brigadier-General Scott was sent with fifteen hun- 
dred chosen troops to join those in the vicinity, and 
to annoy and delay the march of the British. 

General Washington having ascertained that the 
enemy were advancing towards Monmouth Court 
House, despatched one thousand men, under the 
command of General Wayne, and sent the Marquis 
Lafayette to take the command of the whole detach- 
ment, including Maxwell's brigade and Morgan's 
light infantry. His orders were, to avail himself of 
the first opportunity to attack the enemy. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. I35 

General Lee, dissatisfied probably that his coun- 
sel had been rejected, refused to take the command 
of these troops, and voluntarily yielded his claims to 
General Lafayette. 

The following day, however, he addressed a letter 
to Washington, in which he expressed regret at 
what he had done, and that he would now be 
gratified to have his command restored. Washington, 
ever conciliatory, when consistent with duty, and de- 
sirous of rendering justice to his country, by securing 
to its services all the talent that was at command, 
acceded to the wishes of General Lee. 

As the enemy had now made a change in the 
disposition of their troops, placing the strength of 
their army in the rear, it became necessary to increase 
the advanced corps. General Washington availed 
himself of this circumstance, and despatched General 
Lee with two brigades, to join the Marquis Lafayette 
at Enslishtown. The command of the whole then 
devolved on General Lee, he being the senior officer. 
But he was directed to render every assistance in his 
power to Lafayette, should he find him engaged in 
any plan or enterprise against the enemy. At the 
same time he wrote Lafayette, acquainting him with 
the circumstances, trusting to his usual generosity to 
be governed by the good of the cause, rather than by 
personal interest. 

Sir Henry Clinton, observing the movements of 
General Washington, and that he was preparing to 
attack his flanks and rear, ordered all the baggage to 
his front, protecting it with a body of his German 



13g REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

troops. He then formed the remainder of his army 
in the rear of the baggage, on the high hills of Mon- 
mouth, under the command of Lord Cornvvallis and 
himself. 

The next morning, at daylight, the baggage of 
the enemy was discovered to be in motion. General 
Washington sent directions to General Lee, to com- 
mence the attack, " unless there should be very pow- 
erful reasons to the contrary." He was to order the 
troops on both flanks to attack at the same time ; 
Morgan on the right and General Dickinson on the 
left, and that he would closely follow to his support. 

The British descended from the heights into the 
plain : Lee advanced to meet them. As soon as the 
firing was heard. General Washington directed the 
main body to throw off their packs, and he advanced 
as rapidly as possible to their support. This firing 
was between the advanced guards of Lee and the 
rear guards of the enemy. 

Sir Henry Clinton, finding that both his flanks 
and his rear would be attacked, halted his army and 
advanced on the front of General Lee's division. 
This movement was perceived by Lee ; and ignorant 
whether General Washington was sufliciently near 
to support him, and aware that his force was unequal 
to contend with the whole British army, he ordered 
a retreat to the high grounds. He was met by 
Wasliington, who expressed marked disapprobation 
of his conduct ; and directed him to form his troops 
and oppose the progress of the enemy. " Your or- 
ders," replied Lee, " shall be obeyed, and I will not 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. I37 

be the first to quit the field."* Washington then 
came up with the main body, and proceeding to the 
rear of the corps, he found it closely pressed by the 
enemy. He writes : " 1 proceeded immediately to 
the rear of the corps, which I found closely pressed 
by the enemy, and gave directions for forming a part 
of the retreating troops, who, by the brave and spir- 
ited conduct of the officers, aided by some pieces of 
well-served artillery, checked the enemy's advance, 
and gave time to make a disposition of the left wing 
and second line of the army upon an eminence and 
in a wood a little in the rear, covered by a morass in 
front. On this were placed some batteries of cannon 
by Lord Stirling, who commanded the left wing, 
which played upon the enemy with great effect, and, 
seconded by parties of infantry detached to oppose 
them, effectually put a stop to their advance. "f 

The eighth Massachusetts regiment was attached 
to this division of Lord Stirling. It was commanded 
by Major Hull. He was the next officer in rank to 
Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, who was appointed dur- 
ing this day to act as Adjutant to General Lee. 
" Lord Stirling," says Major Hull, " took an advan- 
tageous position on elevated ground, directly in front 
of the enemy's right. They formed on the opposite 
side of a hollow, ready to receive us. A severe can- 
nonade was commenced from our division, during 
which a demonstration was made on the right of the 



* Ramsay's History of the Unit- f Writings of Washington, Vol. 
ed States, Vol. IL, page 260. V., page 425. 



138 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

enemy's line, and the whole division advancing at the 
same time on the front of their right wing, they were 
compelled to retreat. 

General Greene and General Wayne successfully 
opposed the progress of their right wing, and com- 
pelled it to retreat to the heights, from which it had 
marched in the morning. They afterwards made 
several attempts on our left, which were as often 
repulsed. In the evening, the whole British army took 
a strong position, and could only be approached 
through a narrow pass. General Washington made 
an effort to move round on their right and left, and 
directed the artillery to assail them in front. But so 
many impediments were in the way that night came 
on before these operations could take effect. The 
troops remained on the ground near the enemy with 
the intention of attacking them at daylight, and the 
whole army continued lying on their arms on the 
field of battle, prepared to support them. 

General Washington, wrapped in his military 
cloak, passed the night in the midst of his soldiers. 
About twelve o'clock the enemy silently moved off, 
and though the Americans were so near, they had 
not the slightest intimation of their retreat. They 
took with them a large proportion of their wounded, 
but left four officers and forty privates, whose situa- 
tion was too dangerous to permit of their removal. 

The intense heat of the weather and the great 
fatigue of the troops, forbad a pursuit ; and besides, 
it would have been fruitless, as the British had gained 
upon them a march in the night. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. |39 

Major Hull writes : " I went over the field of 
battle the next morning, and discovered a large num- 
ber of dead bodies without any wounds, who proba- 
bly died from heat. We buried four officers and two 
hundred and forty-five privates, and more must have 
been killed, for there were a number of new-made 
graves." 

Perhaps a complete victory might have been won 
by the Americans in this battle, had not the retreat 
of General Lee in the very onset, with a force of be- 
tween five and six thousand men, given to the enemy 
a decided advantage. Yet, notwithstanding this 
movement, so calculated to damp the ardour of sol- 
diers, there was a spirit, a skill, and an undaunted 
resolution manifested in the trying scenes of that day 
which was the earnest of still more successful effort. 
The officer and the soldier as he lay on his arms 
throughout the night, looked to the morning dawn, in 
the hope that a contest so equal and so severe, would 
then be decided in favour of his beloved country. 

The British fought with their usual coolness and 
intrepidity ; and felt, not for the first time, that they 
had a foe to grapple with, which required all the 
energies, the experience, and the skill of their war- 
like profession to sustain them. 

General Washington in his report to Congress 
writes : " Were 1 to conclude my account of this day's 
transactions, without expressing my obligations to 
the officers of the army in general, I should do injus- 
tice to their merit, and violence to my own feelings. 
They seemed to vie with each other, in manifesting 



140 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

their zeal and bravery. The catalogue of those who 
distinguished themselves, is too long to admit of par- 
ticularizing individuals. 1 cannot, however, forbear 
mentioning Brigadier-General Wayne, whose good 
conduct and bravery through the whole action, de- 
serves particular commendation. The behaviour of 
the troops in general, after they recovered from the 
first surprise, occasioned by the retreat of the ad- 
vanced corps, was such as could not be surpassed. 
All the artillery, both officers and men, that were en- 
gaged, distinguished themselves in a remarkable 
manner."* 

General Lee, at his own request, was tried before 
a Court Martial. The charges were : 

1st. Disobedience of orders, in not attacking the 
enemy, agreeably to repeated instructions. 

2d. Misbehaviour before the enemy, by making 
an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful retreat. 

3d. Disrespect to the Commander-in-chief, in 
two letters, dated 28th June and the 1st of July. 

The Court sat for some weeks, when it declared 
General Lee guilty of all the charges, and sentenced 
him to be suspended from any command in the ar- 
mies of the United States, for the term of twelve 
months. 

A majority in Congress approved of the sentence. 
The word shameful was struck out of the second 
charge. With respect to the correctness of the sen- 
tence of the Court Martial, military men have dif- 

* Writings of Washington, Vol. V., page 427. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 14| 

fered in opinion. But the language and letters of 
General Lee to General Washington, met with uni- 
versal disapprobation. 

The question, whether under his instructions and 
the circumstances of the case he was authorized to 
retreat, without fighting, need not now be discussed. 
But it must ever be regretted, that the division under 
Lee's command, did not or could not perform the 
duty to which it was assigned. Had there been no 
retreat, the results of that day, honourable as they 
were to the troops engaged, would doubtless have 
had a much more important bearing on the interests 
of the American arms. 



142 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 



CHAPTER XV. 

Major Hull's Command on the Lines. 

1779. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks having obtained 
leave of absence, the command of the regiment de- 
volved on Major Hull. He was directed to march it 
to Poughkeepsie, at that time the seat of government 
for the State of New- York. As soon as it arrived, 
the men were employed in erecting barracks, and 
hauling wood for the winter. 

As this was a pleasant and fertile part of the 
country, both officers and men were pleased with the 
location, and made great exertions to complete their 
accommodations for the winter. But their happiness 
was short-lived ; for scarcely were they established 
in their comfortable abodes, when Major Hull re- 
ceived an order from General McDougall, who com- 
manded at Peekskill, to march the regiment the next 
day, and take his station on the lines near Kings- 
bridge. The order produced some disappointment. 
Poughkeepsie being the seat of government, the 
Governor and other civil officers of the State resided 
there, besides many pleasant families, which had 
withdrawn from the city. 

Major Hull communicated the order to the regi- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. J 43 

ment, and gave directions to be prepared to march 
the next morning at eight o'clock. He passed the 
evening at the house of Governor Clinton. When he 
returned to his lodgings, he perceived a large roll of 
paper lying on the step of his door. He found it to 
be a remonstrance, signed by all the non-commis- 
sioned officers and soldiers of the regiment. Thej 
stated how much they had endured in the last cam- 
paign, and how hard they had laboured to build their 
barracks, procure their wood and other necessary 
comforts ; and that under these circumstances, they 
did not expect to be ordered to serve another cam- 
paign that winter. 

Major Hull immediately sent for the officers of 
the regiment, and communicated to them the contents 
of the paper. The officers informed him that they 
had no knowledge of the paper, but had that evening 
observed unusual appearances and symptoms of dis- 
content, and that they feared the men would refuse to 
march the next morning. They suggested to Major 
Hull whether it would not be expedient to send an 
express to General McDougall, stating the circum- 
stances, and wait his orders. 

He replied, that this insubordination must be 
checked at once, and prepared to use the authority 
he possessed, which he believed would be sufficient, 
rather than appeal to a higher power. The troops 
might view this latter measure as an expression of 
weakness ; and from thence would result greater dif- 
ficulty in the exaction of strict obedience in the 
remote station to which they were now ordered. 



144 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

Major Hull requested the officers to obtain all the 
information relating to what had passed, and endea- 
vour to ascertain if there was not some self-interested 
mischievous person, who had influenced the men to 
take this stand. 

It was soon discovered that a sergeant of artillery 
had obtained leave of absence from his regiment, and 
had procured a small room in the neighbourhood, with 
the expectation of selling groceries and other articles 
that the troops wanted. 

In the morning when the hour to assemble had 
arrived, Major Hull and the officers only were pre- 
sent ; none of the troops appeared. Major Hull di- 
rected the officers to go into the barracks, and at all 
events to parade their companies. A few men from 
each company came forth ; the number soon increased, 
and in a short time the whole regiment was formed. 
Major Hull then stated, that he well knew how un- 
pleasant it was to them to leave their comfortable 
quarters, and not only regretted it on their account, 
but likewise for his officers and for himself ; that they 
were very pleasantly situated, and had hoped to pass 
the winter in Poughkeepsie. But he observed to 
them, obedience to orders was the first duty of a sol- 
dier. He then pointed out, in strong terms, the 
impropriety of their conduct ; that he feared, from 
information obtained, they had been unhappily in- 
fluenced, and strong suspicions rested on the man 
whom they perceived was brought on parade under 
arrest. 

A Court Martial was at once ordered to sit in the 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 145 

presence of the corps. The sergeant was tried, and 
found guilty of the charges brought against him. He 
was sentenced to receive severe punishment, which 
was immediately inflicted in the presence of the 
troops. The troops then commenced their march to 
the White Plains, where they arrived early in Decem- 
ber. " Colonel Burr, afterwards Vice-President of 
the United States," writes Major Hull, " had com- 
manded for several months on this station, from whic'j 
duty I was now ordered to relieve him. He remained 
a few days, and furnished us with necessary and im- 
portant information with respect to the situation of 
the enemy, the different routes leading from Kings- 
bridge, and the position he had taken for the security 
and defence of his corps. In justice to his military 
character, it must be said that his plans were highly 
judicious. 

" Our duties having now commenced, the advanced 
parties were directed to reconnoitre every day, within 
a few miles of the enemy at Kingsbridge ; while the 
position of the main body, consisting of about four 
hundred, was seven or eight miles from that post, and 
eighteen miles in advance of any of our stations 
above. Being in the face of the whole British Army, 
without fortifications for defence, our safety depended 
on unceasing vigilance." 

Several detachments had been recently cut off. 
The country between the Highlands and New- York, 
and between the North and East rivers, depended 
on this small body of troops for protection ere it 
could be reinforced from the cantonment of General 

10 



146 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

McDougall. Major Hull had his main body compactly 
posted, occupying a central position between the 
rivers, at and below the White Plains ; but frequently 
changing its locality, and generally this change took 
place in the evening. Small parties were constantly 
on duty, patrolling to the right, above and sometimes 
below Dobbs' Ferry, and to the left, as far as the 
Sound at Mamaroneck, and below. 

Major Hull was aided by guides, selected from 
the most active, intelligent, and well-disposed inhabit- 
ants, who were familiar with every part of the coun- 
try. These persons received remuneration, were 
furnished with horses, and proved faithful and ex- 
ceedingly useful in the service. 

Many families remained on their farms, and it 
was important to know their true characters. Major 
Hull therefore had the names of all the inhabitants 
registered between Kingsbridge and Croton river, 
and between the North and East rivers. The char- 
acter of each individual was described by ciphers, 
the object being to prevent injury to those who 
were well disposed, should the book fall into the 
hands of the enemy. The commanding officer held 
a species of civil as well as military jurisdiction, as 
the situation of the country between the hostile 
armies was such, that the laws of the State could not 
operate. A conflict existed between the civil and mili- 
tary enactments, the decision of which was necessarily 
assumed and enforced by the strongest power.* But 

* See Appendix, No. III., with several subsequent letters to Major 
Hull, commanding on the Lines. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. J 47 

whenever cases of improper or irregular impressment 
occurred, recompense was made to the owners, and 
the teams, horses, &c., were returned. But it will be 
seen bj reference to the Appendix that such was the 
state of things, that certain acts of the Senate and 
Assembly of New- York in relation to the impress- 
ment of horses, teams, &c., were entirely superseded 
by martial law, and the power to seize and send to 
head-quarters all suspicious persons or any guilty of 
theft or other crimes, was lodged in the hands of the 
officer then commanding. Inde.ed this portion of the 
country, infested by a roving banditti equally cruel 
to all parties, was a scene of terror and suffering 
throughout most of the years of the war. The Cow- 
boys and Skinners ravaged the whole region. The 
first, called Refugees, ranked themselves on the British 
side. They were employed in plundering cattle and 
driving them to the city : their name is derived from 
their occupation. The latter, called Skinners, while 
professing attachment to the American cause, were 
devoted to indiscriminate robbery, murder, and every 
species of the most brutal outrage. They seemed, like 
the savage, to have learned to enjoy the sight of the 
sufferings they inflicted. Oftentimes they left their 
wretched victims, from whom they plundered their 
all, hung up by their arms, and sometimes by their 
thumbs, on barn doors, enduring the agony of the 
wounds that had been inflicted, to wrest from them 
their property. These miserable beings were fre- 
quently relieved by our patrols, who every night 
scoured the country from river to river. But unhap- 



148 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

pily the military force was too small to render the 
succour so much needed ; although by its vigilance 
and the infliction of severe punishment on the offend- 
ers, it kept in check, to a certain extent, this lawless 
race of men. The command on the lines covered an 
extensive section of country, and there were many 
roads leading from Kingsbridge to the different sta- 
tions, which were occupied by the detachment. It 
was therefore necessary to avail of the friendly in- 
habitants to obtain intelligence of the first movement 
of the enemy. Those who resided below the lines, 
being entirely in the power of the British, were 
obliged to feign an attachment they did not feel. 

Major Hull selected a certain number of families 
on w^hose fidelity he could rely, and formed a line of 
them, extending from Kingsbridge to his most ad- 
vanced guards. He requested these persons to come 
to him at night, that he might communicate to them 
his plan of securing information, which he said 
would depend on their good faith, alertness, and se- 
crecy. He told the man who lived nearest Kings- 
bridge, that whenever he perceived any extraordinary 
movement, or whenever the enemy passed the bridge, 
to take a mug or pitcher in his hand, and in a care- 
less manner go to his neighbour who composed one 
of the line, for some cider, beer, or milk, and give him 
notice, and then immediately return home. His 
neighbour was to do the same, and so on, until the 
information reached the station of Major Hull. 
Every individual thus employed was faithful to the 
trust reposed in him. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. J 49 

The enemy could make no movement, without 
the detachment being informed and prepared to meet 
or avoid them. Major Hull rewarded, as he was au- 
thorized, these good people, who could not, in their 
situation, perform a duty of this nature, without 
much personal risk. Yet they ceased not to exhibit 
the virtues of patriotism and constancy, by a faithful 
devotion to their country's interests, while exposed 
to imminent danger and surrounded by hardships and 
privation. 

By the laws of the State of New-York, if they 
refused to take the oath of fidelity to the State, their 
property was liable to confiscation. The country 
they occupied was fertile and populous, and the land 
well cultivated. Any person who took the oath, 
would instantly find the Cow-boys robbing him of his 
all ; and to offer defence, was at the peril of life. 
Such as did not take the oath, were left to the ten- 
der mercies of the Skinners, who, taking the law into 
their own hands, branded them as tories, confiscated 
their property, and went ofi" secure, in the possession 
of their booty. 

In this condition of the social state, the innocent 
and guilty equally suffered. 

The descendants of these people, many of the 
present inhabitants of Westchester, and its neigh- 
bourhood, who are now living in the happy enjoy- 
ment of liberty, and the protection of law, have rea- 
son to feel a generous pride in the virtue of their an- 
cestors, who so nobly stood the test of these trying 
times. 



150 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

Major Hull, at this period, was about twenty-five 
years of age, and blessed with a good constitution. 
He remarks, while speaking of this service, " In a 
command so responsible, I adopted a system, to 
which I steadfastly adhered ; nor did storms, cold, or 
the darkness of the night, ever interfere with its per- 
formance. Early in the evening, without taking off 
my clothes, with my arms by my side, 1 laid myself 
down before a fire, covered only by a blanket, and 
gave directions to the sentinel to awake me at one 
o'clock in the morning. My adjutant, or some other 
officer was with me ; and one or two of the faithful 
guides, who have been mentioned. The troops were 
ordered to be paraded at the same hour 1 was called, 
and a portion to remain on parade until my return. 
After the whole were assembled, one half of them 
were permitted to go to rest, and the other half were 
formed into strong guards, which patrolled in front 
and on the flanks of the detachment until sunrise. 
This force was in addition to the small parties which 
were constantly patrolling with the guides. After 
making this arrangement, I rode with my adjutant 
and one or two guides, as far as my patrols were di- 
rected to proceed, across to the North river, and then 
back on the line of my patrols, toward the East river, 
and continued riding in different directions, until sun- 
rise. While on this duty, I visited a number of my 
confidential line of inhabitants, to ascertain the move- 
ments of the enemy. I generally rode about twenty 
miles at night, and nearly the same distance during 
the day. This service on the lines was so severe, 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. l^\ 

that two hundred men, with officers, were sent from 
the army every ten days, to relieve one half of the 
detachment, while the half best fitted for duty re- 
mained. As civil law was suspended, 1 was directed 
to preserve as much peace, security, and good order 
among the inhabitants as possible ; and particularly 
cautioned to prevent supplies being carried to the 
enemy. The country was fertile, and the people 
were required in due proportion to supply the troops 
with provisions, for which I gave them certificates. 
These various duties employed all my time, excepting 
the first part of every night given to sleep. The 
enemy made many attempts to surprise and destroy 
the detachment ; but by the precautions taken, his 
plans were invariably defeated. In all the little ren- 
contres which took place, the advantage was on our 
side ; and the country, in a great degree, was pro- 
tected, both above and below my station, from cruel 
depredations. Only those families suffered who re- 
sided nearest to the British lines." 

In the latter part of May, it was evident prepa- 
rations were making for some important expedition, 
in which the strength of the British army was to be 
employed, aided by the co-operaiion of their navy. 
Major Hull wrote t9 General McDougall, that ap- 
pearances indicated that the enterprise was to be di- 
rected against the army in the Highlands, and that 
the detachment on the lines would be the first object 
of attack. General McDougall having received simi- 
lar intelligence, directed Major Hull, in case the 
enemy advanced in force over Kingsbridge towards 



152 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

the White Plains, to retreat before they came so near 
as to compel him to action ; to observe their move- 
ments up the river, and to proceed in such a manner 
as not to be in the rear of the fleet, as in such case, 
his communication might be cut off from the army in 
the Highlands. 

About the last^^of May, Major Hull received infor- 
mation from his faithful line of inhabitants, that a 
large column of the enemy had passed Kingsbridge, 
and was marching towards the White Plains. His 
detachment, excepting some small patrols, were as- 
sembled in a compact body in that place. Previous 
to this, he had given notice to the inhabitants of the 
movements of the enemy, and of his intention to re- 
treat to the Highlands. Many of them removed their 
families and fled to a more peaceful region. 

When the enemy had arrived within about two 
miles of the White Plains, Major Hull called in the 
patrols and marched to the road on the North river. 
He soon perceived the fleet, which was but a small 
distance below his position. As he advanced slowly 
up the river, he was informed that the columti which 
had passed Kingsbridge, was making a forced march 
on his right, with a view to gain his front and cut off 
his retreat. He hastened his march, and crossed the 
Croton river, where he halted. The enemy approached 
him by land, and he perceived their troops debarking 
from the fleet. He then made a rapid march to 
Peekskill, and joined the forces under the command 
of General McDougall. The British army proceeded 
up the river, and took possession of Stony and Ver- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. I53 

plank's Points. Works had been erected by the Amer- 
icans at these places, but when the enemy approached 
the workmen retired. A small garrison at Verplank's 
Point surrendered. 

From the preparations of Sir Henry Clinton, it 
was expected that he would attack West Point, and 
the other fortresses in the Highlands. 

General Washington, considering the Highlands 
of great importance, concentrated a large part of his 
army for their defence. Major Hull was ordered to 
West Point. His detachment erected a fort on the 
summit of a hill which overlooked and commanded 
the other works established at that place. The object 
was to defeat the plans of the enemy, should he at- 
tempt to march by a circuitous route, through the 
gorges of the mountains, to obtain possession of this 
eminence. 

Sir Henry Clinton, however, after establishing 
garrisons at Stony and Verplank's Points, returned to 
New- York. His object, it was believed, in ascending 
the river, was, to possess himself of all the fortresses 
in the Highlands ; but the prompt and wise measures 
taken by General Washington, in recalling the troops 
from New Jersey, and concentrating his strength in 
their defence, defeated the plans of his adversary. 

Sir Henry Clinton then changed his mode of op- 
erations, but with a view to the same object. He 
commenced a predatory warfare on the Sound, and the 
defenceless inhabitants of Connecticut experienced, 
in a war of extermination, the horrors and brutal 
cruelties of an unlicensed soldiery. 



154 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

By this course he hoped to draw off Washington 
from his strong-hold in the Highlands, and thus se- 
cure to himself their complete possession. But in 
every part of his plan, he was defeated by the sound 
judgment and superior skill of the American Com- 
mander. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. |55 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Capture of Stony Point. 

1779. 

It is a darkened view of the human mind that 
induces the belief that outrage and cruelty will com- 
mand submission, sooner than a generous and just 
appeal to the better feelings of man. The spirit 
may bend under oppression, but not break, while, by 
its reaction, it acquires new strength for resistance. 

The study of our own hearts, and the example of 
Him, in whom there is no variableness, would furnish 
safer and more kindly views. God endeavours to win 
by love and by persuasion ; when these fail, he sends 
a severe, healthful, but not an irritating discipline, 
dictated equally by wisdom and mercy. 

During our contest with Britain, plunder and de- 
vastation overspread our beautiful southern land ; 
while at the north, fire laid waste our peaceful dwell- 
ings, and the sword did its work on the defenceless 
inhabitants of the sea-coast. What the enemy could 
not effect by contest in the open field, he vainly 
thought could be done by sweeping from the earth 
every vestige of home and domestic peace. 

But the earth and man were left ; and the Spirit 
of the Almighty, guiding the destinies of America, 



156 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

overruled, to her final good, the violence of her enc 
mies, and the sufferings of her children. 

The head-quarters of General Washington were 
now at New Windsor, a short distance above West 
Point. The troops he had drawn from New Jersey, 
were stationed on both sides the river below, to give 
check to the enemy should he again ascend the Hud- 
son. " But their plan of devastation and plunder 
on the sea-coast was vigorously pursued. About the 
beginning of July, a detachment of two thousand six 
hundred men, under Governor Tryon, sailed from 
New-York into Long Island Sound. They first 
landed at New-Haven, plundered the inhabitants 
indiscriminately, and burnt the stores on the wharves. 
This being done, they embarked and landed at Fair- 
field and Norwalk, which towns were reduced to ashes. 
Dwelling-houses, shops, churches, school-houses, and 
the shipping in the harbours were destroyed. The 
soldiers pillaged without restraint, committing acts of 
violence, and exhibiting the horrors of war in some 
of their most revolting forms. 

"It does not appear that there were troops, mag- 
azines, or public property in either of the towns. 
The waste and distress fell on individuals who were 
pursuing the ordinary occupations of life. The peo- 
ple rallied in self-defence, and a few were killed ; 
but the enemy retired to their vessels, before the mi- 
litia could assemble in large numbers. The British 
Commander hoped that this invasion of Connecticut 
would draw away the American army from the High- 
lands, to a position where he might bring on an 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLL4M HULL. 157 

engagement under favourable circumstances. Wash- 
ington's habitual caution guarded him against allowing 
such an advantage. On the contrary, while the 
enemy's forces were thus divided, he resolved to at- 
tack the strong post at Stony Point. The necessity 
of doing something to satisfy the expectations of the 
people, and reconcile them to the defensive plan 
which he was obliged to pursue ; the value of the 
acquisition in itself, with respect to the men, artillery, 
and stores, which composed the garrison ; the effect 
it would have upon the subsequent operations of the 
campaign, and the check it would give to the depre- 
dations of the enemy, were, as he said, the motives 
which prompted him to the undertaking. He recon- 
noitered the post, and instructed Major Henry Lee, 
who was stationed near it with a party of cavalry, to 
gain all the information in his power as to the con- 
dition of the works, and the strength of the garrison. 

" The enterprise was intrusted to General 
Wayne, who commanded a body of light infantry in 
advance of the main army, where he was placed to 
watch the rhovements of the enemy, to prevent their 
landing, and to attack separate parties whenever op- 
portunities should offer. 

" Having procured all the requisite information, 
and determined to make the assault, Washington 
communicated general instructions to Wayne, in writ- 
ing and conversation, leaving the rest to the well- 
tried bravery and skill of that gallant officer."* 

* Sparks' Life and Writings of Washington, Vol. I., page 223. 



I 58 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

The regiments which formed the corps of Gene- 
ral Wayne, were commanded by Colonels Webb, 
Febiger, and Butler. The detachment which Major 
Hull marched from the White Plains, when Sir Hen- 
ry Clinton ascended the Hudson, and established 
posts at King's Ferry, was stationed on the high 
grounds about West Point, and employed in building 
several forts, which at this period were nearly com- 
pleted.* 

On the morning of the fourteenth of July, Major 
Hull was ordered to march to Sandy Beach, and to 
unite his corps to that of General Wayne. 

Two companies of North Carolina light infantry, 
commanded by Major Murfee, were directed to join 
the troops at Sandy Beach. These were placed in 
the detachment of Major Hull, whose command now 
consisted of about four hundred men. 

At eleven o'clock on the morning of the fifteenth 
of July, the march was commenced over rugged and 
almost impassable mountains, and continued for four- 
teen miles, when the detachment arrived, a little be- 
fore dusk in the evening, within a mile and a half of 



* Tlie Editor is indebted to Ben- gallant captors of Stony Point. 
Jamin Russel, Esq., of Boston, for Though only a privale, during the 
the following facts : " Four forts war, he was among the foithful sup- 
were building. Their names were, porters of his country's rights, and 
Fort Webb, Fort Willis, Fort Ar- ready to use his energetic mind and 
nold (afterwards called Fort Clin- strong arm in the struggle for her 
ton), and Fort Hull. The highest independence. After the war, he 
was Fort Hull, a point of look-out. was for thirty years Editor of " The 
It was three miles from Fort Clin- Boston Seniinel,^^ a paper well con- 
ton." Mr. Russel was one of the ducted and liighly respectable. 



Vrrplaiil<s Point 




H U O S O 




Fort 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 



159 



Stony Point. Here it halted. General Wayne, 
with his principal officers, reconnoitred the works, 
and now, for the first time, was connmunicated to his 
troops the oljject of the enterprise. 

He stated that the attack was to be made on Stony 
Point at twelve o'clock that night. That the detach- 
ment was to be divided into two columns ; to ad- 
vance with unloaded muskets, and depend entirely 
on the bayonet ; that it was his determination to per- 
severe, until in complete possession of the fort ; and 
that if any man attempted to load his piece, leave his 
station, or retreat, he was instantly to be put to death 
by the officer or soldier next him. 

General Wayne then gave in detail, the disposi- 
tion of the troops. The column on the right was to 
consist of Febiger's and Meigs' regiments, and Ma- 
jor Hull's detachment, and to be led on by General 
Wayne himself. 

The column on the left, was to consist of Colonel 
Butler's regiment. Major Hull was directed to de- 
tach Major Murfee's two companies, to form in the 
centre of the two columns, and to advance near to a 
part of the fort that was not to be assailed, and keep 
up a constant fire, with a view to distract and draw 
off attention from the real point of attack. 

Lieutenant Colonel Fleury and Major Posey, to 
command a corps of one hundred and fifty volunteers, 
to precede the column on the right ; and Major 
Stewart, with one hundred volunteers, to precede the 
column onthe left. A forlorn hope of twenty men was 
attached to each column : one led on by Lieutenant 



IQO REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

Gibbon, the other bj Lieutenant Knox. Their duty 
was, to remove the abattis and other obstructions in 
the way of the troops. After the orders were com- 
municated. Major Hull recollected that there was a 
captain in his detachment, to whom cowardice had 
been imputed, on account of his conduct in the battle 
of Monmouth. He sought the young man and re- 
quested him to walk aside for a few moments, having 
something to communicate. When alone, he said, 
" It is a subject of much delicacy, my dear sir, of 
which I am about to speak, and my motive to serve 
you, must be my apology for the liberty I take. You 
are aware that reports, injurious to your character as 
a soldier, have been in circulation since the battle of 
Monmouth ; as no inquiry has been made into your 
conduct on that occasion, your brother officers still 
view you, as wanting in bravery. You have, no 
doubt, a distinct recollection of the nature of your 
feelings at that time, and if conscious that there was 
a want of fortitude to meet the dangers to which you 
were then exposed, you must be sensible that in the 
duties now to be performed, they are of a character 
much more imposing ; but that they are so, is favour- 
able, as you are furnished, in the hazardous enterprise 
before us, with a better opportunity to eradicate im- 
pressions for which nojust cause may exist. But what- 
ever might have been the truth, I leave you to decide 
whether to return to the camp, and give your com- 
pany to the command of your Lieutenant, or to lead 
it yourself." Captain * * * * replied, " I thank 
you, sir, for your consideration and candour, and hope 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. |gj 

to prove myself worthy of it. Wait a few moments, 
until I return." He came, accompanied by iiis Lieu- 
tenant, and related to him, in the presence of Major 
Hull, the conversation which had just taken place. 
Then, with a calm but resolute expression of coun- 
tenance, said : " I request you to observe my conduct 
during the assault, and if I do not acquit myself with 
the bravery which my rank and the occasion demands, 
I beg you to kill me on the spot." The Lieutenant 
assured him his request should be complied with. 

So gallantly did Captain * * * * acquit himself 
in the assault, that from that time his courage was 
never questioned. 

After the orders were communicated, both officers 
and men appeared inspired with a spirit that no dan- 
ger could appal, and no barrier keep from the prize 
before them. Before giving an account of the action, 
a description of the grounds on which the fortifica- 
tions were erected may be desirable. 

" Stony Point is a commanding hill, projecting 
far into the Hudson, which washes three-fourths of 
its base. The remaining fourth is in a great measure 
covered by a deep marsh, commencing near the river, 
on the upper side, and continuing into it below^ 
Over this marsh there is only one crossing place ; but 
at its junction with the river, is a sandy beach, pass- 
able at low tide. On the summit of this hill was 
erected the fort, which was furnished with a sufficient 
number of heavy pieces of ordnance. Several breast- 
works and strong batteries were advanced, in front 
of the principal works ; and about half way down 
11 



-[g2 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

the hill, were two rows of abattis. The batteries 
commanded the 'beach and the crossing place of the 
marsh, and could rake and enfilade anj column which 
might be advancing from either of those points, 
towards the fort. Jn addition to these defences, sev- 
eral vessels of war were stationed in the river, so as 
in a considerable degree to command^ the ground at 
the foot of the hill. The fort was garrisoned by 
about six hundred men, under the command of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Johnson."* 

'' About half past eleven o'clock," writes Major 
Hull, " the two columns commenced their march in 
platoons. The beach was more than two feet deep 
with water, and before the right column reached it, we 
were fired on by the out-guards, which gave the 
alarm to the garrison. We were now directly under 
the fort, and, closing in a solid column, ascended the 
hill, which was almost perpendicular. When about 
half way up, our course was impeded by two strong 
rows of abattis, which the forlorn hope had not been 
able entirely to remove. The column proceeded 
silently on, clearing away the abattis, passed to the 
breastwork, cut and tore away the pickets, cleared 
the chevaux-de-frise at the sally-port, mounted the 
parapet, and entered the fort at the point of the bay- 
onet. All this was done under a heavy fire of artil- 
lery and musketry, and as strong a resistance as could 
be made by the British bayonet. Our column on 
the other side, entered the fort at the same time. 

* Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. IV., page 122. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 



163 



Each of our men had a white paper in his hat, which 
in the darkness distinguished him from the enemy ; 
and the watchword was, ' The forfs our own.'' 

" Our troops reached the area of the garrison not 
having fired a gun, the enemy still firing on us. The 
men made free use of the bayonet, and in every 
direction was heard, ' Theforfs our oivn.'' We were 
compelled to continue the dreadful slaughter, owing 
to the fierce and obstinate resistance of the enemy. 
They did not surrender until nearly one hundred men 
were killed and wounded ; after which their arms 
were secured and they were assembled under a strong 
guard in an angle of the fort, until morning. Major 
Murfee acted his part with great address, keeping up 
an incessant fire between the two columns ; thus di- 
verting the attention of the assailed from the point of^ 
attack. His two companies were the only American 
troops that fired a gun. In ascending the hill, just 
after he had passed the abattis, General Wayne was 
wounded in the head by a musket-ball, and imme- 
diately fell. He remained on the spot, until the Bri- 
tish surrendered, when some other officers and my- 
self bore him into the fort, bleeding, but in triumph. 
Three loud and long cheers were now given, and re- 
verberating in the stillness of night, amidst rocks 
and mountains, sent back, in echo, a glad response to 
the hearts of the victors. They were quickly an- 
swered by the enemy's ships of war in the river, and 
by the garrison at Verplank's Point, under the fond 
belief that the Americans were repulsed. 

" Our troops lost no time in collecting the cannon 



]g4. REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

of the garrison, and turning them against the shipping 
in the river. The officer of the British artillery was 
requested to furnish the keys of the powder maga- 
zine ; he hesitated^ and said that he only received 
his orders from Colonel Johnson. He was informed 
that Colonel Johnson was surperseded in command, 
and that there must be no delay, or the consequences 
might be unpleasant. The key was produced, the 
pieces of ordnance loaded, and the news of what had 
happened sent to the shipping from the mouths of the 
cannon. Duplicaies and triplicates were sent, which 
appeared to excite a good deal of agitation. They 
made no return to our fire, and the tide being strong, 
they slipped their cables and were carried down by 
the current. 

" In the same manner, the intelligence was an- 
nounced at the fort at Ver plank's Point, but no re- 
ply was made. 

" Soon after the surrender, a Lieutenant of my 
detachment informed me, that he had killed one of 
the men, in obedience to orders, and that he regretted 
it, more than he could express. He said, that as 
the column was ascending the hill, the man left his 
station and was loading his musket. His commander 
ordered him to return and desist from loading. He 
refused, saying, that he did not understand fighting 
without firing. The officer immediately ran him 
through the body. I replied, ' You performed a pain- 
ful duty, by which, perhaps, victory has been secured, 
and the life of many a brave man saved. Be satisfied.^ 

" Colonel Johnson remained in his marquee until 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. ^^5 

morning, with others of our officers. I was frequently 
with him during the night. It was intimated by 
some one, that the garrison had been surprised. Co- 
lonel Johnson observed, that we certainly should not 
do ourselves or him the injustice to say, that he had 
been surprised. He begged the gentlerhan who 
made the remark, to recollect the fact, that the firing 
commenced before we passed the marsh ; that all his 
men were at their stations, with their arms, and com- 
pletely dressed, before our columns began to ascend 
the hill. That an incessant fire had been kept up, 
until we entered the works and the garrison surren- 
dered. The officer explained, that he did not mean 
exactly as was understood. Colonel Johnson replied, 
that his works were too extensive ; that they were 
planned for a much larger number of troops than Sir 
Henry Clinton had left for their defence, and that he 
was perfectly satisfied that his men had done their 
duty. 

" Yet it has been represented by some historians 
of the Revolution, that the British were taken by sur- 
prise. But the distance from the fort, from which 
our columns were fired upon ; the incessant roar of 
musketry and artillery, while we were ascending the 
precipice ; the condition of the troops when the gar- 
rison surrendered, are facts which show that success 
was owing to the valour, perseverance, and superior 
physical strength of the assailants. Fifteen Ameri- 
cans were killed, and eighty-three wounded. 

" Colonel Johnson, in his return, reports twenty 
killed of the British, including one officer, and sixty- 



IQQ REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

eight privates wounded. The prisoners amounted to 
five hundred and forty-three. 

" The following day we were employed in bury- 
ing the dead. I had two narrow escapes. One bal^ 
passed through the crown of my hat, another struck 
my boot." 

Chief Justice Marshall, in his account of this enter- 
prise, says : " The humanity displayed by the con- 
querors was not less conspicuous, nor less honourable, 
than their courage. Not a single individual suffered 
after resistance had ceased. All the troops engaged 
in this perilous service manifested a degree of ardour 
and impetuosity, which proved them to be capable of 
the most difficult enterprises ; and all distinguished 
themselves, whose situation enabled them to do so. 

" Colonel Fleury was the first to enter the fort, 
and strike the British standard. Major Posey mounted 
the works, almost at the same instant, and was the 
first to give the watchword, ' The fortes our oivn.^ 

" Lieutenants Gibbon and Knox performed the 
service allotted to them, with a degree of intrepidity 
which could not be surpassed. Out of twenty men 
who constituted the party of the former, seventeen 
were killed or wounded."* 

Major Hull writes : " The following day General 
Washington came to the fort, and the interesting scene 
of his arrival is perfectly fresh in my remembrance. 
I recollect how cordially he took us by the hand, and 
the satisfaction and the joy that glowed in his coun- 

-* Marshall, Vol. I., page 325. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. IQ^ 

tenance. I attended him, with a number of other 
field officers, General Wajne being prevented by 
his wound. 

" Washington minutely viewed every part of the 
fortifications. His attention was particularly drawn 
to those places, where the two columns ascended the 
hill, mounted the parapets, and first entered the works. 
He expressed his astonishment, that we had been 
enabled to surmount the difficulties, and attain our 
object, with so inconsiderable a loss. And here he 
offered his thanks to Almighty God, that he had been 
our shield and protector, amidst the dangers we had 
been called to encounter." 

Sparks, in his " Life of Washington," says : 
" The action is allowed to have been one of the most 
brilliant of the Revolution. Congress passed Re- 
solves, complimentary to the officers and privates, 
granting specific rewards, and directing the value of 
all the military stores taken in the garrison to be di- 
vided among the troops, in proportion to the pay of 
the officers and men. Three different medals were 
ordered to be struck, emblematical of the action, and 
awarded respectively to General Wayne, Colonel 
Fleury, and Colonel Stewart. Congress also passed 
a vote of thanks ' to General Washington, ' for the 
vigilance, wisdom, and magnanimity, with which he 
had conducted the military operations of the States.'" 

Among other things, Major Hull received a com- 
plete camp equipage. A marquee, with a mattress, 
bedstead, curtains, a large pair of horse canteens, 



]g3 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

bottles, plates, and furniture of every kind, sufficient 
for a small table. 

This marquee, bed, &c., he could carry on a sin- 
gle horse, during a march. When the army halted, 
in a very short time he had a good room and a bed, 
closed on all sides with curtains. 

General Wayne received many complimentary 
letters on this occasion. 

Major-General Charles Lee thus writes : " What 
I am going to say to you, will not, 1 hope, be consid- 
ered as paying my court, in this your hour of glory ; 
for as it is my present intention to leave this conti- 
nent, I can have no interest in paying my court to 
any individual. What I shall say, therefore, is dic- 
tated by the genuine feelings of my heart. 1 do most 
sincerely declare, that your assault on Stony Point 
is not only the most brilliant, in my opinion, through- 
out the whole course of this war, on either side, but 
that it is the most brilliant that I am acquainted with 
in history. The assault on Schweidnitz, by Marshal 
Landau, I think inferior to it." * 

It was the intention of General Washington, in 
the event of success at Stony Point, immediately to 
have attacked the garrison on the opposite shore. 
For this purpose, he had ordered a 'brigade to advance 
from Peekskill, under the command of General Mc- 
Dougall, and take a position near Verplank's Point, 



* Life of General Anthony Sparks' American Biography, Vol. 
Wayne, by John Armstrong, in IV,, page 47, 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. |g9 

SO as to make the attack as soon as he was informed 
that Stony Point was reduced. The messenger sent 
to General McDougall, by some accident, failed to 
deliver the letter, which prevented the attack at the 
time appointed. General Washington then changed 
his plan, by augmenting the number of troops, ancj 
giving the command to Major-General Howe. He 
likewise ordered a number of heavy pieces of artillery 
to make a breach in the works. From some neglect 
in the Ordnance Department, unsuitable cartridges 
were sent. This delay gave the enemy time to in- 
crease the means of defence, and place the garrison 
in entire security. 

Had there been a sufficient number of boats to 
have transported the conquerors across the river, the 
reduction of this fort would have been almost certain. 
The number of men at the two posts was about the 
same, but the fort at Verplank's Point was inferior 
in point of strength. 

The object, however, of General Washington was 
accomplished ; for he had compelled Sir Henry Clin- 
ton to abandon his desolating system in Connecticut, 
and ascend the Hudson for the protection of his gar- 
rison at Verplank's Point. 

The works of Stony Point were so extensive, that 
a sufficient number of troops could not be spared for 
its defence ; besides, the enemy possessed the advan- 
tage of commanding the water. 

The American General, therefore, decided to 
abandon the post. Every thing was carried off but 
one heavy cannon. 



170 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

In a few days the British again took possession, 
strengthened the fortifications, and established a nu- 
merous garrison for its defence. 

Late in the autumn, both of these forts vi^ere 
evacuated, and came into the possession of the 
Americans. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. |71 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Promotion of Major Hull to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. — He 

IS TRANSFERRED FROM THE ElGHTH TO THE ThIRD MASSACHUSETTS ReGI- 

jient. — Appointed a Commissioner to present a Petition to the Legis- 
lature OF Massachusetts, for the relief of the Officers and Soldiers. 
— Appointed Inspector in the Army, under Baron Steuben.* 

1779. 

During the remaining part of this campaign, the 
light infantry, under the command of General Wayne, 
was stationed in different parts of New Jersey, to 
extend protection to the inhabitants, who were expos- 
ed to frequent inroads of the enemy from New-York. 
Our troops had frequent rencontres with these parties, 
but none of sufficient importance to render a detail 
of them necessary. Late in the autumn, the de- 
tachment of Colonel Hull returned to West Point, 
and, was established in winter quarters. 

From the commencement of the Revolution, a 
period of nearly five years, the American army had 
been paid in continental bills of credit. No provision 
was made for their final redemption. Two hundred 
millions of dollars in these bills were in circulation. 
The army had not only been paid, but its supplies of 
every kind were purchased with them. When first 

* General McDougall refers to jor Hull, while commanding on the 
this appointment in his letters to Ma- Lines. 



172 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

issued, in 1775, they passed currently, and w^ere con- 
sidered equal in value to silver and gold. To refuse 
them, was considered a want of patriotism, and still 
more, a disaffection to our cause. Every month, 
new emissions were made to meet the expenses of 
the war, and the amount in circulation was thereby 
continually increased. The most patriotic citizens 
became alarmed and distrustful of them. Gold and 
silver began to be preferred, and at first the Govern- 
ment-paper passed secretly at a small discount. The 
depreciation increased. The price of the necessa- 
ries, as well as the luxuries of life, was augmented. 
Congress and the Legislatures of the States adopted 
various expedients to support the credit of the paper 
currency, and the bills were made a legal tender for 
the payment of all bona fide debts which had been 
or should be contracted. But the poverty of the 
country rendered it impossible to provide the basis 
of a solid fund, which would have ensured a faithful 
redemption of the bills. 

Although the officers and soldiers depended on 
these bills to provide for the support of themselves 
and their families, and suffered more than any other 
class of citizens from their continual depreciation, 
yet they were the last who hesitated to accept them, 
or to complain under the difficulties and privations to 
which they were subjected. The whole pay of an 
officer or soldier could not furnish him with comfort- 
able clothing. A month's pay would not purchase a 
pair of shoes. Such was the state of things, when 
a meeting was held by the officers of the Massachu- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. ^73 

setts line of the army, to consult on the subject. 
The discussion was temperate and patriotic. It re- 
sulted in preparing a petition to the Legislature, 
stating the circumstances and praying for relief, in 
such manner as their wisdom and justice should dictate. 
Before it was sent, it was submitted to General Wash- 
ington, and by him approved. He was requested to 
permit three officers, chosen for the purpose, to re- 
pair to Boston and present the petition. Lieutenant- 
Colonel Hull was selected as one of the Commis- 
sioners. 

When the petition was presented, a disposition 
was manifested to do the most perfect justice ; but 
there was no money in the treasury, and only pro- 
mises could be given. A Committee of the Legisla- 
ture was appointed to confer with the Commissioners, 
and it was admitted that gold and silver was the 
standard on which the pay of the army had been es- 
tablished ; but owing to the depreciation of the bills 
of credit, the army had not been paid according to 
the original intention. 

It was advised that the Legislature should estab- 
lish a scale of depreciation, to regulate the value of 
the bills which at different times had been paid to 
the troops. The Committee admitted that such bal- 
ance as was due ought to be paid. As there was no 
money in the treasury, it was finally decided that the 
Treasurer should give to each officer and soldier a cer- 
tificate, bearing interest on such sums as were actu- 
ally due. The prices of the most necessary articles, 
such as corn, beef, wool, and sole-leather, were made 



174 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

the standard by which their value was to be deter- 
mined. This plan being reported to the Legislature, 
it was adopted, the accounts settled, and the certifi- 
cates issued. 

Great efforts were made to give credit to these 
certificates ; notwithstanding which, they considera- 
bly depreciated in value. This was owing to the 
necessity the officers and soldiers were under, of of- 
fering them in market, to procure necessaries for the 
support of themselves and their families. 

These certificates were afterwards paid, accord- 
ing to the nominal value expressed on the face of 
them ; and those who had purchased and held them 
at the time they were funded and paid, received the 
benefit. 

When Colonel Hull returned to the army on the 
Highlands, he made a report to the officers, who ex- 
pressed their approbation and tendered their thanks 
to the Commissioners, for the manner in which the 
trust committed to them had been executed. 

During the campaign of 1780, the attention of 
Colonel Hull was devoted to the discipline of the 
division of the army commanded by Major-General 
Howe, of which he was appointed Deputy Inspector 
under Baron Steuben. These duties were peculiarly 
interesting to him, and he remarks : " Could any 
thing have induced me to have left this department 
at that time, it was an appointment then offered me. 

" General Parsons called one morning, and in- 
formed me, that he was requested by General Wash- 
ington to inquire, if it would be agreeable to me to 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. J 75 

come into his family, as one of his aids, and if so, 
the appointment would be made. 

" I replied to General Parsons, that I felt deeply 
impressed for this proof of confidence placed in me 
by the Commander-in-chief, and that 1 would give 
an answer the following day. I mentioned to Baron 
Steuben the appointment offered, and that I had but 
one objection to its acceptance ; the regret I should 
feel in leaving his department. He kindly observed, 
' The regret would be mutual.' He said, that he 
was sensible of the honour of the station to which I 
was invited, but hoped I would see fit to continue in 
my present situation. That the discipline of the 
army had commenced on a new system, and great 
progress had been made, and he soon hoped to render 
it as perfect as the discipline of the European armies. 
That we should soon be called to act with the French 
under Count Rochambeau ; and that it was his ardent 
desire, that our army should not be found inferior to 
his in the knowledge and application of military tac- 
tics. That I had been associated with him since the 
commencement of his duties ; was acquainted with 
his system and mode of teaching it. That if his 
assistants were constantly changed, it would be im- 
possible to bring the system to that degree of perfec- 
tion which he believed would finally insure success 
to the American arms, and terminate, on our part, so 
distressing a war. He concluded by saying, that I 
would be more useful in the office of Inspector than 
in any other situation, and hoped that such consider- 
ation would influence my decision. 



176 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

" 1 replied, that I had not pledged myself, and 
when I considered the subject, I felt it a duty to re- 
main where I could be of most service, however much 
I might desire distinction, or however great my at- 
tachment to the Commander-in-chief. 

"Baron Steuben then remarked, that if I had 
no objection, he would himself see General Wash- 
ington, and state to him his views. 

" When General Parsons called for my answer, 
1 informed him of the conversation which had passed 
between Baron Steuben and myself, and his wishes 
in regard to the arrangement ; that if it was true, 
that I could do more for my country in the discharge 
of my present duties, I felt compelled to decline the 
honour of an appointment, so gratifying to my feel- 
ings, and so well calculated to elevate me in the eyes 
of my countrymen. 

" I requested, that when my answer should be 
given to General Washington, that all my views 
should be stated to him. I then observed to General 
Parsons, that he knew the character and situation 
of our mutual friend. Colonel Humphreys ; that he 
had served as Aid-de-camp to General Putnam, who on 
account of age and bodily infirmities would not again 
be called into active service. That Colonel Humph- 
reys still ranked as a Captain, and would now return 
to the command of his company. Being satisfied 
with his qualifications, I would take the liberty to 
recommend him to General Washington for the ap- 
pointment with which he had intended to honour 
me. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 177 

" Colonel Humphreys was appointed and remained 
in that situation until the end of the war. 1 have 
been induced to narrate the circumstances of this 
transaction, because I perceived in a newspaper, after 
the death of Colonel Humphreys, a statement made, 
which was not founded in truth. In the article to 
which I allude, it is mentioned, that Major Alden 
and Colonel Hull were candidates with Colonel 
Humphreys for the appointment, and that the prefer- 
ence was given to Colonel Humphreys." 

The whole of this campaign of 1780, Colonel 
Hull continued with the main army, a part of the 
time in the Highlands, performing the duties of In- 
spector. It was at this period that the distressing 
events of General Arnold's treason and the capture 
and execution of Major Andre took place. The his- 
tories of the Revolution have recorded these trans- 
actions. 



12 



178 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

State of the Currency. — Mutinies in the Pennsylvania and Jersey 
Lines. — Expedition of Lieutenant-Colonel Hull against Morrissania. 
— Marriage of Colonel Hull. 

1781. 

Late in the autumn of 1780, the main body of 
the army was concentrated at West Point and its 
vicinity in the Highlands, for winter quarters. 

The Pennsylvania line, under the command of 
General Wayne, was stationed at Morristown, and 
the Jersey troops at Pompton, in New Jersey. When 
this arrangement was made, Lieutenant-Colonel Hull 
was ordered with a detachment of four hundred men 
towards the White Plains, to form the most advanced 
post of the army and protect the country lying 
between the Highlands and the enemy's post at 
Kingsbridge. His principal station was on the right 
bank of the Croton river, near Pine's bridge. He 
established the same regulations and encountered the 
same arduous duties, which he had performed in the 
winters of 1778 and 1779. 

The condition of the army at this time was truly 
distressing. The continental bills of credit, which 
had been the funds, not only to pay the troops, but 
to furnish them with subsistence and clothing, had 
become almost entirely worthless. They had depre- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 



179 



ciated in such a manner, that it was no uncommon 
thing to give a month's pay for a breakfast.* The 
country was inundated with these bills, and they were 
of so little value, that Congress had ceased to make 
further emissions, and had called on the Legislatures 
of the States, to furnish specific articles for the sub- 
sistence and clothing of the army. The States were 
slow in complying with these requisitions, and the 
soldiers suffered all the calamities which cold, hunger, 
and nakedness could produce. Both officers and 
men severely felt their wretched condition, and com- 
plaints were heard from every quarter. Each succes- 
sive day increased the excitement, and a fearful crisis 
seemed approaching. 

The most fatal consequences were predicted, and 
the States adopted no measures to prevent the evil. 
On the first of January, 1781, the Pennsylvania regi- 
ments at Morristown, under the command of General 
Wayne, rose in a state of mutiny. 

They assembled under the directions of their non- 
commissioned officers, for the purpose, they declared, 
of marching to the seat of government, to obtain re- 
dress of their grievances. 

General Wayne and the officers attempted to ex- 
ercise their authority. In making the effort. Captain 
Billing was killed, and several officers wounded. So 
great was the fury of these men, that had not Gene- 

* Copy of a receipt, found among liam Hull, eleven thousand two hun- 

the papers of General Hull :— dred and fifty dollars, for a chaise, 

"Boston, March 16, 1781— Re- with a double harness, 
ceived of Lieutenant-Colonel Wil- (Signed) Jonathan Fowle." 



180 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

ral Wayne desisted, the sacrifice of himself and 
his officers would most probably have been the con- 
sequence. 

The excitement increased, and the mutineers 
marched to Princeton. They were followed by Ge- 
neral Wayne, and a number of the most influential 
officers, who did all in their power to dissuade them 
from their purpose. Their efforts were unavailing. 
A Committee of Congress, the President and Execu- 
tive Council of Pennsylvania, immediately repaired 
to Princeton, and opened a treaty with the mutineers. 

When General Washington, who was at West 
Point, received information of this revolt, he delibe- 
rated what course it was expedient to take. He was 
sensible that there was too much truth in the griev- 
ances complained of, and that the whole army was 
in the same unhappy condition, in equal want of the 
necessaries of life. As, however, the civil authorities 
of the State had opened a negotiation, he determined 
not to interfere, but leave the adjustment of the busi- 
ness with that body. 

The Committee of Congress shortly retired, and 
the non-commissioned officers negotiated with the 
authorities of the State. 

Sir Henry Clinton considering this defection as a 
most auspicious event, immediately sent three per- 
sons as spies, from New-York, with instructions to 
invite the disaffected to march within his lines, and 
to offer them the most liberal rewards. But Ameri- 
can blood rose at these degrading propositions ; the 
emissaries were made prisoners, and the men de- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. JgJ 

clared that they had no intention of deserting the 
standard of their country. After the terms of accom- 
modation were settled, they removed to Trenton, de- 
livered up the spies, who were tried and executed. 

The negotiation ended in a discharge of all who 
had enlisted for three years or during the war, and 
had actually served three years. 

The indefinite manner in which the enlistments 
were expressed, to serve for three years or during the 
war, left the soldier at liberty to demand his discharge 
at the end of three years, while the officer claimed his 
services to the end of the war. 

Another source of discontent arose from the fact, 
that such soldiers as were not bound by previous en- 
listments, received great bounties ; while those who 
had served three years, were required to continue 
without a bounty ; neither had they been remunerated 
for the services they had already rendered. Under 
all these irritating circumstances, insubordination be- 
came ascendant, and the mutineers obtained, with 
arms in their hands, every thing they demanded. 

A part of the Jersey line, stationed at Pompton, 
perceiving how easily the Pennsylvania troops had 
succeeded in the attainment of their object, followed 
their example, and at once arose and asserted their 
rights. 

S ir Henry Clinton detached a part of his army 
into New Jersey, under the command of one of his 
Generals, to invite the Jersey troops to join the Brit- 
ish standard ; endeavouring to seduce them from 
their allegiance, by rewards similar to those which he 



132 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

had proffered to the Pennsylvania line. But they 
exhibited the same patriotic indignation as their 
brethren, and turned with disdain from his insidious 
proposals. 

General Washington, though extremely mortified 
at the result of the proceedings of the Pennsylvania 
line, was yet fully aware, that the Executive Coun- 
cil could make no better terms. He, however, viewed 
the example as extremely dangerous : and on the 
rising of the Jersey troops an opportunity w^as given 
him to act with that energy and decision, which, 
while it sustained military authority, convinced the 
enemy and his country, that disaffection and mutiny 
had not pervaded the whole of the American army. 

A detachment was immediately formed under the 
command of Major-General Howe, with orders to 
march against the mutinous troops, and, by force, to 
reduce them to submission. 

The prompt and able manner with which Gene- 
ral Howe performed the duty assigned him, by the 
execution of several of the ringleaders, crushed the 
threatened mutiny, and every effort of the British 
General to encourage and increase it, was thereby 
entirely defeated. 

Colonel Hull, with a detachment of four hundred 
men, was at this time at his station on the right bank 
of the Croton river, for the protection of the inhabit- 
ants in the county of West Chester. 

When the mutiny of the Pennsylvania line com- 
menced, he was directed to obtain all possible infor- 
mation respecting the enemy's posts at and about 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 



183 



Kingsbridge, on the east side of Harlem river, and 
as low down as Morrissania. General Washington 
was not only anxious to suppress this spirit of insub- 
ordination, but also of striking a blow which would 
give a new direction to public opinion, and awaken 
the enemy to a more just appreciation of American 
patriotism.* After obtaining all the information in 
his power. Colonel Hull made a communication to 
General Heath, in which he described the fortifica- 



* General Wasliington to Major- 
General Heath : — 

" JVezc Windsor, 7th January, 1781. 

" Dear Sir — You will be pleased 
to observe, on the subject of your 
letter of last night, that although I 
am not very sanguine in my expec- 
tation of the success of the enterprise 
proposed, yet I think, in our present 
circumstances, it will be advisable 
to encourage it. Colonel Hull may 
therefore have permission to make 
the attempt, in conjunction with the 
militia : but I would not advise the 
destruction of any houses, except 
the temporary huts, built by the 
Refugees. Colonel Drake may be 
supplied with five thousand car- 
tridges for the militia : he to be 
accountable for the expenditure of 
them. 

" By a letter from General Wayne, 
I am informed the Pennsylvania line 
still continued in the same state at 
Princeton, and that he had received 
intelligence, that the enemy were 
preparing to make a movement into 
Jersey. Their attention being drawn 



that way, may possibly make the plan 
in contemplation, more practicable. 
I wish the guard-boats to keep a 
vigilant look-out, and the officers to 
give you the earliest information of 
any movement below. Colonel Hull 
and the militia Colonels should be 
strongly impressed with the idea, 
that the whole success depends ab- 
solutely upon the secrecy and rapid- 
ity of the movement. It will also 
be well, to give a reinforcement of 
an hundred men, from the New 
Hampshire line." 

Note by Jared Sparks : " Colonel 
Hull was now stationed at Pine's 
bridge, near the lines, and the plan 
referred to, was, that of an attack 
upon the Refugees of Delancey's 
corps at Morrissania, in conjunction 
with a party of militia under Colonels 
Drake and Crane. The project had 
been communicated by Colonel Hull 
to General Heath, with a request to 
be favoured with liis opinion." — 
Writings of Washlngton,Yo\. VII.; 
page 356. 



1 84 REVOlI TIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

tions on the east and north side of Kingsbridge, and 
the number of troops which formed the garrisons. 
Likewise a fortification four miles below, on the east 
side of Harlem river, established for the purpose of 
protecting a pontoon" or floating bridge, to preserve 
the communication with Fort Washinp;ton. 

a 

He expressed the opinion that the parapets of 
these works were so high, the ditches so deep, and 
the pickets so strong, that they could not be stormed 
without a great sacrifice, and this could only be 
avoided by taking them by surprise. He further 
stated, that there was a British post four miles below 
the pontoon bridge at Morrissania, in which was a 
force consisting of about four hundred and fifty men, 
commanded by Colonel Delancey. That it was 
composed of barracks, without regular fortifications. 
Delancey had also a company of about forty men, 
stationed farther east, at Frog's Neck ; a point of 
land projecting into the East river, near West Ches- 
ter, and not far from that part of the river Bronx, 
over which a retreating party must pass. 

This post at Morrissania had been in that situa- 
tion for several years, and being eight miles in the 
rear of the fort at Kingsbridge, and four miles in the 
rear of a large part of the British army stationed at 
and about Fort Washington, no enterprise had ever 
succeeded against it. To break up such an estab- 
lisment, was an object of much importance : it being- 
garrisoned by a partisan corps, which was constantly 
committing depredations on the inhabitants between 
the two armies, and likewise in the State of Connec- 
ticut. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. |85 

It was suggested, that a body of men might be 
marched to Morrissania in the night, and be success- 
ful in the attack, but the difficulty would be in the 
retreat, as the firing would give the alarm at Forts 
Washington and Independence, and the other British 
posts in the neighbourhood. To obviate this, so as 
to retard the approach of the enemy, he stated that 
the pontoon bridge might be cut away by the assailing 
party, and thus prevent the British advancing from 
Fort Washington. Finally, in covering the retreat 
of the troops, it would be necessary to have a strong 
detachment posted at East Chester, or on the road 
leading from Kingsbridge to that place. 

After this report was made to General Washing- 
ton, he expressed great doubts as to the success of 
the enterprise. If the detachment should reduce 
Morrissania, the troops would be exposed to great 
hazard in retreating ; as the distance from Fort In- 
depence to East Chester was four miles, and the dis- 
tance from Morrissania was eight ; and the American 
corps would be also greatly fatigued, after a march of 
thirty miles, while the British would be fresh from 
their post. He considered, however, that the crisis 
called for decisive action ; that in justice to the 
great body of the army he commanded, still faithful 
and unrelaxing in duty, an opportunity should be 
embraced by which they might manifest their patriot- 
ism and their bravery, both to their friends and their 
enemies. 

As soon therefore as the revolt took place in the 
Jersey line, he determined to make a simultaneous 



136 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

movement against the mutineers on his right, and the 
enemy's post at Morrissania on his left. The suc- 
cess obtained by Major-General Howe, has been re- 
lated. It now remains to give a narrative of the 
enterprise against Morrissania. The plan suggested 
by Colonel Hull having been approved, the execution 
of it was committed to that officer. His detachment, 
consisting of four hundred men, w^as reinforced with 
one hundred, under the command of Major Maxwell, 
and by a company of militia cavalry, consisting of 
nearly one hundred more, from New-York, com- 
manded by Captain Hunnewell. General Washing- 
ton ordered likewise a small body of cavalry, under ,. 
the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Humphreys, his 
Aid-de-camp, to join these troops ; but the state of 
the ice would not permit their crossing the Hudson. 

The twenty-second of January was the day ap- 
pointed to commence operations, at the same time 
that General Howe marched into New Jersey to 
reduce the mutineers to submission. Three regi- 
ments from the army under General Parsons were 
ordered to take a position at East Chester, at day- 
light on the twenty-third ; to observe the motions of 
the enemy, and cover the retreat of the American 
corps. 

On the twenty-first there was a very heavy rain, 
which continued during the night. The morning of 
the twenty-second was fair, and about sunrise the 
line of march was formed. The distance to Morris- 
sania was thirty miles, and the intention was to ar- 
rive there a little before daylight the following 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 187 

morning. The roads were excessively bad, and the 
small streams were swollen in such a manner that it 
was difficult to pass them. 

The troops marched in one column. Hunnewell's 
cavalry in front and on the flanks ; to secure the in- 
habitants from giving information to the enemy. 
Two companies of New- York militia had previously 
been despatched from the country, to take possession 
of Williams' bridge, over the Bronx; the object of 
which was to prevent the British from passing in that 
direction to East Chester. They were commanded 
by Captains Dennit and Benton. 

About one o'clock in the morning, the detach- 
ment had, undiscovered, passed Fort Independence 
and Kingsbridge, and reached a point, as low down 
as Fort Washington, which covered the pontoon 
bridge over Harlem river. Here it halted, when the 
detachment was first made acquainted with the ob- 
ject of the expedition. 

Arrangements were then made for the plan of 
attack. Major Maxwell, with one hundred men, was 
to approach a little before daylight, as near the fort 
which covered the floating bridge as possible, and the 
moment he heard the firing at Morrissania, to rush 
down, under the walls of the fort, and cut away the 
bridge in such a manner that it would float down the 
stream. The intention here was, to obstruct the 
enemy's passage from Fort Washington, and oblige 
them to go round by Kingsbridge. After this duty 
was performed. Major Maxwell was directed to 
march and take a position on the road, leading from 



188 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

Morrissania to Delancey's bridge, over the Bronx, 
and there remain, until the main body returned from 
Morrissania. 

On the route he was to take, there was a small 
compact fort, garrisoned with sixty men ; and it was 
left to the discretion of Major Maxwell, to attempt to 
carry it by storm, should the circumstances in which 
he was placed seem to justify such an assault. 

Two other detachments were formed ; one under 
the command of Captain Pritchard, of sixty men, was 
ordered to proceed to Frog's Neck, and attack the 
company at that place. He was directed not to 
make the assault until he heard the firing at Mor- 
rissania, or until daylight. The other of thirty 
men, commanded by Captain Williams, was to 
take possession of Delancey's bridge, over the 
Bronx, and to maintain it, until the main body re- 
turned from Morrissania. Each party now com- 
menced the march to its appointed destination. The 
main detachment, commanded by Colonel Hull, was 
reduced to a little over four hundred men. 

The British force at Morrissania, under Colonel 
Delancey, consisted of about the same number, in- 
cluding the company at Frog's Neck. The expecta- 
tion was, to take the enemy by surprise ; but an un- 
expected obstacle interposed, within a small distance 
of their cantonment. The heavy rain, the day be- 
fore, had so greatly swollen a small creek, that the 
passage of it could only be effected by mounting the 
infantry behind the cavalry. This required time ; 
and it was daylight before the whole body advanced 



:\ 










i 






LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. J 39 

from the creek.* A rapid march was then made in 
column, but the assailants were fired on by the out- 
guards, at some distance from the barracks. 

As the enemy were preparing to receive them, 
Colonel Hull ordered the line to be formed, with the 
cavalry in its rear. A firing commenced, which lasted 
but a few minutes, before the enemy retreated. The 
cavalry were directed to charge, and the infantry to 
advance to their support. The Americans were soon 
masters of the field, the loyalists flying in every di- 
rection. Fifty-two prisoners were taken, and a num- 
ber of beef cattle ; and as the enemy, being partly 
cavalry, had not time to mount their horses, sixty of 
them fell into the hands of the victors. 

Without waiting to pursue the fugitives, fire was 
set to the barracks, and to a great quantity of forage, 
which had been deposited there for the army in New- 
York, After collecting the prisoners, horses and cat- 
tle, a retreat was commenced on the road to Delan- 
cey's bridge. 

When the firing commenced at Morrissania, there 
followed a tremendous roar of cannon and musketry 
from the fort, near the pontoon bridge. As the flames 
ascended from the barracks, the alarm guns were 
fired from Fort Washington and New-York ; and sky- 
rockets were sent in quick succession from all the 

* In the maps of Marshall's Life map. If there was but one, the de- 

of Washington, two creeks are laid tachment must have come down on 

down and Morrissania between them, the eastern side, crossed to Morris- 

I think that my father directed me sania, and re-crossed, after the as- 

lo put two on the accompanying sault. — Editor. 



190 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

enemy's posts. The detachment, with all its incum- 
brances, now forded the creek on the eastern side of 
Morrissania. Colonel Hull directed a halt for a few 
minutes to refresh his troops. They heard the roar- 
ing of the enemy's cannon, while the sky-rockets, 
flaming through the air, were furiously though vainly 
spending their rage on the too successful little band, 
which had scattered devastation and desolation where, 
but a few hours before, quiet and security reigned. 
Sublime and imposing was the scene, yet it was too 
replete with danger to leave room for enjoyment. 

These gallant troops had marched thirty miles, 
through deep and heavy roads — had bravely faced 
and subdued the foe. For twenty-four hours, they 
had neither rest nor sleep, and at this moment were 
four miles in the rear of the main body of the British 
army, which was then exerting its strength to wrest 
the wreath of victory from their brows. Incumbered 
as they were with prisoners, horses, and cattle ; and 
knowing that they must contend over eight miles of 
ground, for every step of the way, while a fresh and 
ever-increasing foe was assailing their rear and flanks ; 
it seemed beyond human power to escape the perils 
which on every side threatened their destruction. But 
victory had crowned their efforts, and stimulated to re- 
newed exertion ; they resolutely prepared to persevere 
and surmount the yet greater dangers, which stood 
between them and safety. Surely they must have felt 
that a blessing rested on their arms, and that a mer- 
ciful Providence was their shield and their strength. 

After advancing a short distance, the detachment 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. jgj 

was joined by Major Maxwell. He reported, that he 
had completely effected his object, and that the 
bridge was floating down the river, and it was im- 
possible for the enemy at Fort Washington to pass at 
that station. 

As the corps proceeded, a fire of musketry was 
heard in the direction of Delancey's bridge. Colonel 
Hull rode forward to the high ground, and perceived 
Captain Williams and the enemy contending for the 
bridge. He made a disposition of the troops to as- 
sist him. The enemy soon retreated towards Fort 
Independence, after sustaining some loss. The fugi- 
tives were about twenty in number, but this was no 
time to pursue them. The march continued for a 
short time without interruption, until the head of the 
column arrived near a stone church and a jail. Our 
troops were fired on from the windows of the church. 

Major Maxwell's detachment having a number of 
axes, used in cutting away the bridges, Colonel Hull 
ordered him to form a column, with his axemen in 
fronts and open a passage for the troops to enter with 
the bayonet. This he did, but the enemy retreated 
from the windows on the other side of the buildino^. 
The jail was then broken open, and thirty-two Amer- 
ican prisoners released, who had been captured by 
Delancey's regiment, and there confined. A number 
of other prisoners, belonging to the British, were set 
at liberty, who were confined for different crimes.* 

* There was among the Ameri- jail to Colonel Hull, whom he per- 
can prisoners, a negro man, by ceived to be the commander of the 
name Tillo. He rushed from the corps, and falling on his knees, said, 



^ 



192 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

Here the main body was joined by Captain Pritchard, 
who had fought hard with the enemy at Frog's Neck ; 
had been successful in routing him, and taken a num- 
ber of prisoners. Ensign Thomson of his company 
was killed, and five or six men killed or wounded. j 
The stores and forage collected at that station were 2^ 
destroyed. 

The different detachments being united, there 
was a weary and hazardous march to perform, before 
we could expect to meet the reinforcement under 
General Parsons, to cover our retreat. The fatigue 
of the men was so great, having had neither rest nor 
sleep for thirty hours, that it seemed almost impossi- 
ble to advance further. Colonel Hull urged upon 
them the necessity of proceeding. He told them, if 
they now came to a halt, the whole corps would in- 
evitably be cut to pieces or made prisoners ; but by 
advancing a few miles farther, they would be rein- 
forced and soon find the relief they so much needed. 

" Massa, save my life and I'll serve became of age, that he was then at 

you forever." Colonel Hull told liberty to hire liimself into any other 

him not to fear, they were all safe, family, or go v/herever he pleased. 

The man continued faithful in the But the simple-hearted fellow pre- 

service of his chosen master, until ferred never to leave General Hull 

the end of the war, when he retired or his family, so long as they would 

to his small farm in West Chester, keep him. He has remained with 

and gave his young son T\lln, a boy them ever since the war of the Rev- 

of six years of age, to Mrs. Hull, to olution, and is now, in 1845, at the 

retain until he was of age. The old homestead, in Newton, Massa- 

young TSUq proved equally faithful, chusetts, the grounds of which were 

as his father had been, though not first occupied by the ancestors of 

possessed of such bright talents. He Mrs. Hull in 1630, and are still in 

was always kind and willuig. Gen- possession of her descendants, 
eral Hull informed him, when he 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLL^M HULL. 193 

They persevered ; and never did men bear a trying 
situation with more firmness and a better spirit. 

As an attack was apprehended before a junction 
could be formed with the covering party, Colonel 
Hull selected one hundred and fifty of the strongest 
and least fatigued men, and formed them in the rear 
and on the flanks, taking the command himself. He 
ordered Major Maxwell to march on with the main 
body, the prisoners, cattle, and other incumbrances. 

After advancing about a mile, light parties of the 
enemy appeared in the rear and flanks, and com- 
menced a loose and scattering fire. They were soon 
reinforced, and their fire increased. Colonel Hull 
formed a solid body of the rear guard, and directed 
the officer, if the horse charged on him, when they 
arrived very near to give one well-directed fire, and 
then to remain in a solid body and depend on the 
bayonet. The cavalry, observing this disposition of 
our troops, did not advance to the charge. 

As the infantry of the enemy were increasing in 
the rear, it was apparent that they had proceeded 
from Fort Independence, having been reinforced from 
Fort Washington. Instead, therefore, of passing di- 
rectly to East Chester, over Williams' bridge, they 
had filed to the right, and crossing the river Bronx 
at Delancey's bridge, had gained the rear of the 
American troops in that direction. 

A heavy fire had now commenced by the enemy, 
but was constantly returned from our rear and flank 
guard, without the least disorder, though still moving 

13 



194 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

on their march as fast as their fatigued condition 
would admit. 

When about a mile and a half from the station 
where General Parsons awaited the arrival of the re- 
treating corps, Colonel Hull received from him a mes- 
sage by his aid-de-camp, sajing that a column of the 
British were advancing from Kingsbridge, and urged 
Colonel Hull to hasten his march. 

He replied, that he would proceed as expeditious- 
ly as possible. The enemy were now pressing on 
him with increased force ; but meeting the same res- 
olute resistance from the rear and flanks, a temporary 
check was given to their movements. 

Thus situated, another message came to Colonel 
Hull from General Parsons, pressing him to march 
with more celerity, as a large body of the enemy 
were rapidly approaching, and he feared that both de- 
tachments would be cut off. Colonel Hull replied, 
that it was impossible for him to move with more 
rapidity ; that if he attempted it, his detachment 
would be thrown into confusion, and its capture would 
be inevitable ; that should General Parsons consider 
the risk too great to remain, he had better retreat 
and save his troops ; while his own detachment, if 
overtaken, would make the best defence it could. 

Colonel Hull now ordered a hundred men to re- 
inforce his rear and flank guards, by which means the 
fire was increased, and the enemy fell back a little, 
but soon returned to the charge, and the conflict be- 
came extremely severe. 



LIFE OP GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 195 

At this critical moment, Colonel Hazen, who com- 
manded a regiment under General Parsons, came to 
Colonel Hull, and informed him, that his regiment 
was advanced, and lay concealed behind a long stone 
wall, which ran along the road on both sides. The 
front of the corps had then almost reached the wall 
where the men were posted. Colonel Hazen imme- 
diately rode forward, and gave orders to his regiment 
when to rise and fire. Colonel Hull, in his turn, di- 
rected the detachment to march on, until the rear was 
near the wall, and then to cease firing, and retreat 
with as much rapidity as possible. The plan suc- 
ceeded. The British pressed on ; when reaching the 
wall, the regiment rose up, on each side of it, and 
poured upon them vSuch a volley of musketry, that 
they instantly retreated. In a short time, and with- 
out further molestation, the detachment joined the 
troops at East Chester, and the command of the whole 
then devolved on General Parsons. The number of 
his troops, including our detachment, did not exceed 
two thousand. 

This insulated corps was more than thirty miles 
distant from any post of the main army, or any other 
support ; and both officers and men were worn down 
with the fatigue and hardship they had already en- 
countered. 

A large body of the enemy were near, and all the 
British army stationed at Fort Washington, and at 
the north part of York Island, distant not more than 
five or six miles. 

Under these circumstances, and the object of the 



196 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

expedition having been obtained, General Parsons 
did not think proper to pursue the advantage which 
had been gained by Colonel Hazen's regiment, or to 
oppose the column that was advancing from Kings- 
bridge. 

His position was so critical, that it was unsafe to 
halt a sufficient time to give the troops refreshment ; 
and under a severe storm of hail and snow, he commen- 
ced his march on the Mamaroneck and New Rochelle 
road, and continued it until twelve o'clock at night, 
when the troops halted on the borders of Connecti- 
cut, after advancing twenty miles from East Chester. 
The storm, which beat heavily on our path, was 
a new source of gratitude for an escape from so many 
dangers. It was viewed as a merciful interposition of 
Providence, to shield our weary and nearly exhausted 
band from the superior strength of an enemy, who^ 
fresh and eager in pursuit, might soon have over- 
powered us, and in their turn have become the con- 
querors. The rain, as it fell in torrents, was like the 
wall of waters in the Red Sea, standing between the 
Egyptians and the Israelites. General Parsons stop- 
ped one day at Horseneck, in Connecticut, to re- 
fresh the troops. He then marched them to their 
cantonment in the Higlilands.* 

Colonel Hull proceeded to his former station on 
the Croton river. He made his official report to Gen- 
eral Washington. The Commander-in-chief, in his 
general orders, expressed his thanks to Colonel Hull 

* See Appendix, No- IV,— Extract of a letter from Mrs. Hull to one 
of her daughters. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. ^97 

for the judicious arrangements which he had made in 
planning the expedition, and for the gallant and in- 
trepid manner in which it was executed. 

General Washington reported to Congress the 
circumstances and success of the enterprise, and Co- 
lonel Hull received the thanks of that body, for his 
good conduct on that occasion. 

The troops under the command of Colonel Hull, 
being established in their quarters, he applied to Gen- 
eral Washington, in February, 1781, for permission 
to pass the residue of the winter in Boston. 

He had now served in the war six years, and this 
was the first time that he had asked leave of absence. 
The six preceding campaigns, he had been constantly 
at his post, excepting while attending on public duty 
in the Legislature of Massachusetts. 

During three winters he was in the field, com- 
manding the most advanced station towards the 
enemy, and constantly exposed, at that inclement 
season, to fatigue, hardships, and dangers. So severe 
was the duty, that it is seen by the original orders, that 
half of his detachment was exchanged every fort- 
night. His fine health and energetic spirit enabled 
him to meet every exposure, uninjured ; and there 
was not a day that sickness disabled him from the 
performance of duty. He had taken an active part 
in all the battles which were fought, where he was 
present, and they were numerous, obstinate, and 
bloody. 

He says : " At this distant period (1822) all my 
recollections are alive on the subject ; and 1 should do 



198 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

violence to the best feelings of my heart, were I to 
omit to offer the warmest and most fervent expres- 
sions of gratitude to the Supreme Disposer of human 
events, that during this highly interesting epoch, my 
health was enjoyed, amidst numerous dangers, while 
so many of my brave companions in arms were con- 
stantly falling by my side." 

Colonel Hull having obtained leave of absence for 
the remainder of the winter, he repaired to Boston, 
and was shortly after married to the only daughter of 
the Honourable Judge Fuller, of Newton, Massachu- 
setts. 

In referring to this connexion, he writes: "It 
was a reward for all the toils and dangers which, for 
six years, I had encountered. It has continued for 
nearly forty years, and my beloved companion has 
not only sailed with me down the stream of life, en- 
joying its prosperous gales, but has steadily and 
affectionately supported me in gloomy periods, as 
well as in the last most trying storm, which, by faith 
in an overruling Providence, I have met and borne 
in all its fury." 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. J 99 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Colonel Hull despatched by General Washington to Count de Rocham- 
BEAU. — Plan of attack on New- York and other points. — Change of 
the scene of operations from New-York to Yorktown. — Capture 
OF the army of Cornwallis. — Washington takes leave of the Army. 

1781. 

In July, the French army, under the command of 
Count de Rochambeau, arrived in the western part 
of the State of Connecticut, on its way to join Gene- 
ral Washington, then at Peekskill on the North 
river. 

At this time Colonel Hull received a message 
from the Commander-in-chief, to repair to his quar- 
ters, that he might explain to him his plan of attack 
on the enemy, and give him orders as to the part he 
was to perform, in carrying it into execution. 

It was the intention of General Washington to 
commence operations the following morning at day- 
light. His object was to take by surprise the ene- 
my's posts on the north end of York island, at Kings- 
bridge and Morrissania. 

General Lincoln, with a strong body of troops, 
was to proceed down the Hudson, below Spuyten- 
devil creek, land, and attack the works at and about 
Fort Washington, and the Duke de Lauzun, with 
his regiments of horse and infantry, consisting of 



200 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

about six hundred men, joined by Colonel Sheldon's 
regiment of cavalry, and adetachmeni from the lines, 
under General Waterbury, to attack Delancey's 
regiment at Morrissania. 

If General Lincoln succeeded, General Washing- 
ton with the main body of the army, joined by Count 
de Rochambeau, would assail the forts on the east 
and north side of Kingsbridge. These divisions were 
to make a simultaneous attack, at daylight, the next 
morning. Should circumstances prevent General 
Lincoln from landing on York island, near Fort 
Washington, he was directed to land above Spuyten- 
devil creek, to prevent the enemy from passing Kings- 
bridge and attacking the right flank of the Duke de 
Lauzun at Morrissania. 

General Washington despatched Colonel Hull to 
Count de Rochambeau, who was then at Bedford, for 
the purpose of explaining to him their situation, and 
the plan of operations, and directed Colonel Hull to 
attend the Duke de Lauzun in his attack on Morris 
sania. 

Colonel Hull was received by Count de Rocham 
beau with that easy politeness and courtesy, the uni- 
form characteristic of the Frenchman, whatever be his 
birth or circumstances in life. 

After the Count had read his letters, he remarked, 
that he was extremely happy that General Washing- 
ton had sent one of his officers to attend him, and 
especially one who was acquainted with the country, 
and the enemy's position. He then remarked, that 
his troops were very much fatigued by their long 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 201 

march from Newport ; that the weather was extreme- 
ly warm, and he had then halted to refresh them ; 
and that it would be necessary to cook the provisions, 
before the march was resumed. Colonel Hull stated 
to him the distance he then was from Kingsbridge 
and Morrissania, and that it was necessary to march 
at a certain time, to arrive at those points at the hour 
General Washington had designated. The Count 
laid his maps on the table, when Colonel Hull ex- 
plained to him the whole plan of operations, as Gen- 
eral Washington had that morning communicated 
them to him. 

Count de Rochambeau seemed revolving the sub- 
ject, and continued to ask a great number of questions. 
He then sent for the Duke de Lauzun, who shortly 
after an introduction requested Col. Hull to attend 
him to his quarters. The Duke was very particular 
in his inquiries. He was informed of the distance he 
had to march, and how important it was for him to 
arrive at Morrissania by daylight in the morning. 
He replied, that both his men and horses were ex- 
ceedingly fatigued, and that they must have a little 
time for refreshment. Colonel Hull urged, as much 
as politeness would permit in his situation, the neces- 
sity of marching earlier. But the fatigue of the 
troops and the heat of the weather prevented the line 
being: formed until sunset. Colonel Sheldon had 
joined them, and General Waterbury was waiting at 
the White Plains, when the corps arrived about one 
o'clock in the morning. 

At this point Colonel Hull wrote to General Wash- 



202 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

ington, by the Duke's desire, stating the time of their 
arrival, and that he could not reach Morrissania until 
after sunrise, unless he should proceed with his cav- 
alry alone and leave the infantry to follow him. That 
such proposition had been made to him, but he had 
objected to it, as, should the attack prove unsuccessful 
he could not justify himself for so doing. 

General Washington, it was supposed, was at 
that time equally as far advanced on the North river 
road. The Duke de Lauzun made a halt at the 
White Plains, and shortly after Count de Rochambeau 
joined him. The Duke then proceeded rapidly, with 
both cavalry and infantry. When arrived within a 
short distance of Delancey's bridge, he observed to 
Colonel Hull, that as it would soon be daylight, and 
they were so near the point of attack, he would pro- 
ceed with his cavalry, and the infantry would be able 
to march in time to his assistance. He then made a 
rapid advance, but it was after daylight before he 
reached Delancey's bridge, which was about a mile 
and a half from the enemy's post. 

A heavy fire of musketry was now heard. The 
Duke de Lauzun ascended the high ground, and per- 
ceived General Lincoln's division and the enemy in 
full view and closely engaged. The Duke halted. 
A regiment was seen advancing to reinforce the Bri- 
tish troops. Colonel Hull said to the Duke, " that 
he knew them by their uniform ; that it was Delan- 
cey's troop from Morrissania." The Duke asked, 
" What course do you think I had best pursue ?" 
Colonel Hull replied, " that as he was a little in the 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 203 

rear of the right flank of the enemy, perhaps he was 
in a good situation to make an attack in that quarter." 
He answered, " that General Lincohr was his supe- 
rior officer, and he did not think himself justified in 
doing it without his orders." Colonel Hull said, " that 
if the Duke would furnish a small escort of cavalry, 
he would pass round the right flank of the enemy, 
and inform General Lincoln of his situation, and ob- 
obtain his orders." To this he consented. When 
Colonel Hull met General Lincoln, the enemy had 
been reinforced, and were pressing hard on him. He 
stated the situation of the Duke, and that it was 
altogether favourable to advance on the right flank of 
the enemy and co-operate with him. General Lin- 
coln replied, " that the Duke de Lauzun had received 
his orders from General Washington, and was not 
under his command." Colonel Hull answered, " that 
the senior officer in the field commanded, of course." 
General Lincoln said, " not to countermand the orders 
of the superior." Colonel Hull then remarked, " that 
the enemy had left Morrissania, and reinforced the 
troops he was now engaged with ; that consequently 
there was no force for the Duke to act against. Will 
you, sir, give your advice under the circumstances ?" 
General Lincoln replied, " that he should not in any 
way interfere with the orders of the Commander-in- 
chief." 

Colonel Hull returned to the Duke de Lauzun, 
and informed him of the result. He said " he would 
immediately send an express to General Washington 
for orders." The Commander-in-chief directed him 



204 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

to join the main army, which having now reinforced 
General Lincohi, the enemy was compelled to retreat 
over Kingsbridge. 

When General Washington heard the circumstan- 
ces, he highly applauded the spirit and strong desire 
the Duke de Lauzun had manifested, to participate 
in the action, but at the same time expressed his 
opinion, that General Lincoln had conducted on 
strictly military principles. 

Both enterprises having failed, and Count de Ro- 
chambeau being yet some distance from the American 
army, it was advised that he should halt several miles 
from Kingsbridge, and refresh his troops. General 
Washington marched to Dobbs' Ferry, and here a 
junction was formed, for the first time, between the 
American and French armies. But the theatre of the 
war was now to be changed from the north to the 
south, by the determination of the Count de Grasse 
to sail for the Chesapeake instead of Sandy Hook. 
He was at this time in the West Indies, and wrote 
General Washington, in August, that he should sail 
immediately, and be prepared to co-operate with his 
army. His land troops consisted, he said, of three 
thousand two hundred men, besides his naval arma 
ment, but that he would not be able to remain longer 
than the middle of October. 

The siege of New-York was therefore abandoned, 
and Yorktown and Gloucester in Virginia, where 
Lord Cornwallis commanded, became the object of 
the united strength of the combined armies. About 
two thousand Americans, and all the French troops 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 205 

under Count de Rochambeau, were ordered to march 
southwardly. 

Sir Henry Clinton, ignorant that the Count de 
Grasse had arrived in the Chesapeake, could not pen- 
etrate the designs of Washington, who still endea- 
voured to keep up the idea that New-York was the 
point of attack. He therefore sent troops down to- 
wards Staten Island, had houses for forage erected, 
and baking ovens built on the Jersey shore. Letters 
were intentionally written to fall into the hands of 
the enemy, and keep up the deception : and so well 
did the feint succeed, that the main body of the army 
had arrived at Philadelphia before Sir Henry Clinton 
suspected the designs of the American Commander. 
Twenty regiments were left in the Highlands 
under the command of General Heath, for the pro- 
tection of the northern posts. The third, to which 
Lieutenant-Colonel Hull was attached, was in- 
cluded. 

It had been the fortunate lot of the Massachusetts 
regiments, to be employed against the army of Bur- 
goyne ; and as they had shared in the glory of an 
event, with which an overruling Providence had fa- 
voured the American cause, and likewise in the bat- 
tles of Trenton, Princeton, and Monmouth, the as- 
sault on Stony Point and other fortunate occasions, 
it was but just that the present opportunity, which 
presented prospects of the most brilliant success, 
should devolve on that part of the army whose for- 
tunes in the south had been less auspicious than those 
of their northern brethren. 



206 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

General Washington had, with reason, the most 
unshaken confidence in the troops which he selected 
for the southern campaign ; and the issue of their 
meeting with Cornwallis showed, that their zeal and 
ability were equal to any and every emergency. 

Colonel Hull was now appointed Adjutant and 
Inspector-General of the army at West Point, and the 
neighbouring posts in the Highlands. The duties of 
these offices he performed until the summer of 1783, 
when General Washington had returned from the 
south, after the capture of the army of Lord Corn- 
wallis, and resumed his command in the Highlands. 

At this period, the preliminary articles of peace 
were signed, and hostilities between Great Britain 
and America ceased. Colonel Hull was ordered to 
repair to West Chester, with the command of eight 
companies of light infantry, as the civil government 
had not as yet been organized. The object of this 
corps was, to protect the inhabitants from the preda- 
tory incursions of the Refugees, which were made 
with the authority of the British commander. 

The presence of a military force was therefore 
necessary for the safety of this people, who had for so 
many years been the victims of suffering, from the 
Skinners and Cow-boys. 

Colonel Hull remained on this station, until Sir 
Guy Carleton announced to General Washington that 
he was prepared to embark and deliver up to him the 
city of New- York. 

On the 22d of November, General Washington, 
accompanied ))y General Knox, Governor Clinton, 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 207 

and a large number of civil and military officers, ar- 
rived in the neighbourhood of Kingsbridge. General 
Washington directed Colonel Hull to march his de~ 
tachment of light infantry the next morning, at day- 
light, to the heights, near Kingsbridge, and take pos- 
session of the forts, as soon as they were evacuated 
by the British. Before the sun arose, the American 
troops were in motion, and as they advanced the 
British troops retired. Having proceeded below Har- 
lem, Sir Guy Carleton gave notice, that he would 
not be able to complete his embarkation until the 
next day. On that day it rained incessantly, and the 
British were not prepared to evacuate until the fol- 
lowing day. 

On the memorable morning of the 25th Novem- 
ber,* when the corps of light infantry commanded by 
Colonel Hull was paraded to escort the Commander- 
in-chief into the city, he rode up in front of the 
troops, and remarked, that he felt peculiarly happy 
in witnessing the excellent appearance and high state 
of discipline of that part of his army which was ap- 
pointed to attend him in the last interesting mo- 
ments of his military command. Colonel Hull had 
commanded this corps for five months, and anticipat- 

* The 25th of November has honours, being seated on the right 

ever since continued a day of Na- of the Mayor, 

tional Jubilee in the city of New- It is not certain, that any historian 

York. For nearly thirty years after of the Revolution mentions the fact, 

this period, whenever General Hull that Colonel Hull commanded the 

happened to be in the city on that troops on this occasion. But the 

day, he was invited to the public grateful New-Yorkers never forgot 

dinner, and received distinguished it. 



208 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

ing the satisfaction of performing so grateful a ser- 
vice, he, with the faithful co-operation of his officers 
and men, had devoted constant attention to make it 
as perfect as possible, in the very qualities which Gen- 
eral Washington had commended. 

To render this service to their beloved Com- 
mander ; to hear his approving words ; to gather, for 
the last time, in military array around his honoured 
person, was a full reward for our long, severe trials. 
The countenance of every officer and soldier was 
lightened up by the liveliest expressions of joy, and, 
for the moment, the thought of a final separation 
from the object of our love, respect, and gratitude, 
was forgotten. As the procession advanced, crowds 
of citizens met us, hailing our approach and welcom- 
ing our entrance into their city. Vast bodies of pa- 
triots, who for seven years had exiled themselves 
from their homes, were now re-occupying their de- 
serted dwellings, and the streets, the tops of houses, 
and the windows, were filled with men, women and 
children, waving plumes and garlands of greens and 
flowers, and cheering our path with every expression 
of joy and gratitude, to which the occasion gave rise. 

Colonel Hull was directed, on the fourth of De- 
cember, to form his detachment of light infantry at 
the hotel near Whitehall, where a barge was pre- 
pared to receive the Commander-in-chief, to convey 
him to Paulus Hook. The corps was formed, its 
right wing at the hotel, the left extending to the 
barge. 

The last affecting interview between General 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 209 

Washington and his ofificers, is thus described by 
Chief Justice Marshall and referred to by Colonel 
Hull, as a correct and touching description of that 
interesting scene.* 

" At noon, the principal officers of the army as- 
sembled at Francis' tavern ; soon after which their 
beloved Commander entered the room. His emotions 
were too strong to be concealed. Filling a glass, he 
turned to them and said : ' With a heart full of love 
and gratitude, I now take leave of you : I most de- 
voutly wish, that your latter days may be as prosper- 
ous and happy, as your former ones have been glorious 
and honourable.' Having drank, he added : ' 1 can- 
not come to each of you to take my leave, but shall 
be obliged to you, if each of you will come and take 
me by the hand.' General Knox, being nearest, 
turned to him. Incapable of utterance, Washington 
grasped his hand and embraced him. In the same 
affectionate manner, he took leave of each succeeding 
officer. In every eye was the tear of dignified sensi- 
bility ; and not a word was articulated, to interrupt 
the majestic silence and the tenderness of the scene. 
" Leaving the room, he passed through the corps of 
light infantry and walked to Whitehall, where a 
barge waited to convey him to Paul lis Hook. The 
whole company followed, in mute and solemn pro- 
cession, with dejected countenances, testifying feel- 
ings of delicious melancholy, which no language 
can describe. 



* Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. IV., page 677. 

14 



210 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

" Having entered the barge, he turned to the com- 
pany, and waving his hat, bade them a silent adieu. 
They paid him the same affectionate compliment, 
and after the barge had left them, returned in the 
same solemn manner to the place where they had 
assembled." 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 211 



CHAPTER XX. 

Disbanding or the Army. — Establishment of the Society of Cincinnati. 
— Mission to Quebec. 

1784, 

Before General Washington retired from his 
command, he was authorized by Congress to disband 
the whole army, excepting one regiment and a corps 
of artillery. This regiment was composed of such 
officers as he should designate, and with that descrip- 
tion of soldiers which had enlisted for three years, 
and whose term of service had not yet expired. Co- 
lonel Hull was selected by the Commander-in-chief 
as the Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment, and ac- 
cepted the appointment. 

These troops were stationed at West Point, dur- 
ing the winters of 1783-4, and now composed the 
whole of the peace establishment ; General Heath 
being first in command, and Colonel Hull second. 

Previous to disbanding the army, the officers formed 
a Society, which they denominated " The Society of 
the Cincinnati." The objects of the institution were 
to commemorate the great events which gave inde- 
pendence to the United States of North America, for 
the laudable purpose of inculcating the duty of laying 
down in peace arms assumed for public defence ; and 



212 iREVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL ' 

of uniting in acts of brotherly affection and bonds of 
perpetual friendship, the members constituting the 
same. Each officer deposited a month's pay, for the 
establishment of a fund, the interest of which was to 
be applied to the relief of such unfortunate officers 
and their families, whose necessities should require it= 

General Washington was elected, and accepted 
the appointment of President of the Society. Besides 
the Parent Society, the officers of each State were 
formed into a separate Society, as a branch of the 
Parent Society, and it was decided that once in three 
years, each State Society should choose delegates, to 
meet in Convention, to regulate the concerns of the 
general Society ; and that the President of the Pa- 
rent Society should, ex officio, be a member of, and 
preside at the general conventions. 

The first general meeting was held at Philadel- 
phia, in May, 1784. General Knox, Colonel Hull^ 
and Major Serjeant, afterwards Governor of the Mis- 
sissippi Territory, were appointed delegates to attend 
the meeting. After the interesting business which 
had called them together was finished. Colonel Hull 
returned to his station at West Point. 

By the definitive Treaty of Peace between Great 
Britain and the United States, which was ratified in 
the year 1783, the boundary line was drawn and 
described between the British dominions and the 
United States. The forts Niagara, Detroit, Michi- 
limackinac, and several smaller posts, garrisoned by 
British troops, were situated within the limits of the 
United States. It was stipulated in the treaty that 



[LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 213 

these forts should be delivered into our possession, 
without unnecessary delay, not specifying any par- 
ticular time. 

A year had passed, and they were still garrisoned 
by British troops. The possession of these posts 
being of great importance to the United States, 
Colonel Hull was commissioned by the Government 
to repair to Quebec, and, by virtue of the treaty, to 
make a formal demand of the Governor-General of 
that province, that they should be surrendered. 

In the event of a comphance with the demand, 
he was directed to visit each of them, and authorized 
to negotiate for the cannon and munitions of war 
which they contained, for an equal quantity in value, 
to be delivered to the British Government, on the 
seaboard, or on any navigable waters, where it would 
be convenient for delivery to both parties. 

Colonel Hull writes : ''On my arrival at Quebec, 
I was received by General Haldimand with great po- 
liteness. After communicating to him the object of 
my mission, under the authority of my Government, 
he invited me to a conference. He stated that he 
had received no instructions from his Government to 
comply with my demand. I inquired if he had re- 
ceived the definitive treaty of peace, ratified by his 
Government. He answered, that he had not, but 
expected every day the arrival of a ship from Eng- 
land, which probably would bring it. In the course 
of a few days the ship arrived. He then invited me 
to another conference, in which he stated that he had 
received the treaty, but no instructions to deliver up 



214 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

the posts. I asked him whether the treaty was not 
sent to him officially, and ratified by his Government. 
He replied, it was. 1 again asked whether, as the 
representative of his Government, he did not consi- 
der that it was his duty to execute such regulations 
and stipulations as had been made, and such as it 
might be considered he was delegated to carry into 
effect. His answer was, not without particular in- 
structions. I then observed, that my views of the 
subject were different. That I could imagine no 
reason why his Government should send him the 
treaty, without an intention of his carrying into 
effect that part of it which related to his province. 
That treaties were considered as laws, and were to 
operate as such ; that it was contrary to the practice 
of all nations, after laws were made and published, 
with all the formalities attending them, for the fra- 
mers to give particular instructions for their execu- 
tion ; it became at once the duty of the judicial and 
executive officers to see them carried into effect ; that 
if any regulation on the subject of the Indian De- 
partment, or the commerce of the province was offi- 
cially sent to him, duly authenticated, he certainly 
would consider that it was his duty to carry it into 
operation, without waiting for particular instructions 
on the subject. 

" I concluded by saying, that it was of great im- 
portance on our part, that the stipulations of the 
treaty, with respect to the posts within our territory, 
should be carried into effect, and I was bound to say, 
that I could see no good reason why there should be 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 215 

further delay, consistent with that good faith which 
characterized his nation. 

" The Governor replied, that this reasoning did 
not satisfy him that it was his duty to deliver up the 
posts. That if it had been the intention of the Bri- 
tish Ministers that he should do so, they would have 
given him specific instructions for the purpose ; that 
he was a military officer and a foreigner, adopted into 
the British service ; and the rule of his conduct ever 
had been, and would continue to be, to follow the 
clear and particular orders of the Government he had 
the honour to serve. 

" Perceiving there was not the least prospect of 
accomplishing the object of my mission, I expressed 
my regret and apprehension that disagreeable conse- 
quences might result ; and that my continuance at 
Quebec would be of no further use ; I had only to 
demand my passport to return through the province 
to the United States. I proceeded to Philadelphia 
and made my report to the President of Congress. 
As the regiment to which I had been appointed was 
discharged, I now returned to enjoy the tranquil and 
happy scenes of civil and domestic life. 

" From information obtained in Canada, I was 
satisfied that it was not the intention of the British 
Government at that time to deliver up these posts." 

As soon as the manner in which the boundary line 
established between the United States and the Can- 
adas was published, very strong remonstrances were 
made by the members of the Northwest Fur Com- 
pany, and other influential characters in those prov- 



216 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

inces. It was stated, that a vast region had been 
ceded to the United States, to which before they had 
no claim, and to which they had obtained no title by 
conquest ; that this country comprehended the best 
soil for cultivation and settlement ; was situated in a 
temperate climate, inhabited by numerous tribes of 
Indians ; where the Northwest Company had estab- 
lished their trading houses, and from which their 
principal wealth was derived. It was further added, 
that the British Commissioners who made the treaty 
were either ignorant of the immense value of the 
country, and its importance to the Canadas, or were 
not disposed to pay that attention to the interests of 
his Britannic Majesty's subjects residing in those 
provinces, which the spirit and loyalty they had 
manifested during the war had merited. 

Another view given was, that the numerous 
tribes of savages, who inhabited those extensive re- 
gions, were equally dissatisfied, and were determined 
not to submit to the superintendence of the United 
States, or suiOfer their traders to come into their coun- 
try. It was asserted that the Ohio and Alleghany 
rivers ought to have been the boundary, and that 
this could now be effected by encouraging the In- 
dians to hostility. This policy was adopted ; the 
posts were retained, and the tragical wars which sub- 
sequently took place, were carried on by the Indians, 
at the expense of the British Government. 

This state of things continued, until the hostile 
tribes experienced a total defeat by our army under 
General Wayne in 1793. The following year, the 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 217 

posts were surrendered, after the ratification of a 
new treaty with England, made by Mr. Jay. The 
British Government never admitted that the object 
of holding these posts was to aid the Indians in the 
prosecution of their wars. Other causes were as- 
signed, such as legal impediment in the payment of 
debts due to British subjects, confiscation of the pro- 
perty of loyalists, and prosecuting them for the part 
they had taken during the war. 



218 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Shays' Rebellion. 

1786. 

The regiment to which Colonel Hull was at- 
tached, on the peace establishment, being disbanded, 
he retired from the army, and established his resi- 
dence in Newton, Massachusetts. He commenced 
the practice of the law, and was engaged in the per- 
formance of such public duties as from time to time 
fell in his way, and, as a public-spirited man, gave 
him pleasure to perform. In politics he held enlarged 
views. He neither contended alone for sectional in- 
terests, nor for the exclusive advancement of a parti- 
cular party, but solely for such principles as he be- 
lieved to be consistent with the genius, and would 
most promote the happiness of a people just emerged 
from the thraldom of monarchical systems, and who 
had severely struggled to obtain their rights. 

Before the Constitution was adopted, in 1789, 
like many others, he feared there was a tendency to 
form a government of a more consolidated character 
than was necessary, and which would prove unac- 
ceptable to the people at large, by producing that in- 
equality of rights observ^able in European States. 

To oppose this, his talents and his influence were 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 219 

exerted ; and no persecution or ill treatment from the 
men whom he had assisted to elevate to power, could 
betray him into inconsistency of conduct, involving a 
compromise of principles, for which he had ever and 
earnestly contended. The same policy marked his 
conduct in the suppression of Shay's rebellion, fifteen 
years previous to the elections of 1801, when he 
urged and assisted to exact obedience to the powers 
that be, and a patient waiting for the only legitimate 
mode of redress, the elective franchise. 

Though he went with a party on leading princi- 
ples, he did not deem it necessary to bend every man 
to his own views, to obtain office, but conferred ap- 
pointments wherever he found talent and merit to 
deserve them. Such was his practice while Governor 
of the Michigan Territory. He never admitted the 
doctrine, that because there existed a difference of 
political sentiment, a man was therefore disqualified, 
however honest and able, from the performance of 
public duty. In the commencement of the war of 
1812, he was authorized by the Government to nom- 
inate such persons as his judgment approved, for ap- 
pointments in the army. He only desired to be in- 
formed if the candidate was a faithful supporter of 
the Constitution of his country, and qualified to serve 
her interests. He asked not whether he was a re- 
publican or a federalist. 

Soon after peace was established, a disaffected 
spirit was perceptible among the people. The com- 
merce of the colonies, previous to the war of the Re- 
volution, having been almost exclusively with Eng- 



220 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

land, large debts were due to her merchants. From 
the years 1773 to 1784-3, no part of these debts had 
been paid. The treaty of peace provided, that there 
should be no legal impediment to their collection. 
Notwithstanding this provision, the Legislature of 
Massachusetts had passed laws which protected the 
debtors from paying the interest which had accrued 
during the war. This being justly viewed by the 
British Government as a violation of the treaty, and 
represented to Congress as such, these laws were re- 
pealed, and the coarse of justice was open. British 
agents were sent over, for the purpose of collecting 
these debts. The merchants who had imported 
goods, being called on, were under the necessity of 
calling on the traders in the country, to whom they 
had sold them on credit. The traders, in their turn, 
were compelled to demand payment of the people, 
who had been the consumers of the goods. The 
consequence was, that lawsuits were multiplied be- 
yond all former example. In addition to this, taxes 
were very heavy ; specie was scarce ; and that alone 
was received in payment. Much real distress was 
produced by this state of things. As the difficulties 
daily increased, the excitement became great, and 
the oppressed felt that it was necessary to examine 
the cause, and make exertion for relief. It was im- 
possible for them to be unmindful how cheerfully 
they had devoted their personal services^ and the 
fruits of their industry, to the support of the war. 
That having thus aided in securing the blessings of 
peace and independence, they hoped and expected to 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 22 

have participated in the enjoyment of them. In their 
new situation, they experienced nothing but embar- 
rassment, oppression, and distress. Such reflections 
convinced them, that there was some radical defect 
in the Government. From individual complaints, 
neighbours began to assemble, to discuss their 
grievances. These small bodies were increased to 
town meetings, and then into county conventions. 
There the oppressive system was painted by their 
leaders in the most gloomy colours. In August, 
1786, the selectmen of Newton, Massachusetts, re- 
ceived a letter, signed by Captain John Nutting, 
chairman of a committee from the towns of Groton, 
Pepperell, Shirley, and Ashley, inviting the town to 
send delegates to a county convention at Concord, to 
discuss their grievances, and devise measures for ob- 
taining redress. In these meetings, it was represent- 
ed, that the difficulty was the want of a circulating 
medium ; that this evil could easily be removed by 
issuing paper money, and making it a legal tender for 
the payment of debts and taxes ; that the courts of 
justice ought to be closed, until the circulating me- 
dium could be increased, and facilities thus furnished 
for the relief of debtors. Courts and lawyers were 
denounced as the instruments of oppression, and they 
shared largely in the popular resentment. A pam- 
phlet had been written with great art and address, 
and circulated under the signature of " Honestus.^^ It 
was read and commented on in the public meetings, 
and contributed much to inflame the minds of the 
people. Even moderate and substantial men began 



222 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

to think that evils existed in the Government, and the 
spirit of disaffection was spreading, more or less, over 
every part of the State. The malcontents, trusting 
in their strength, from the increase of their numbers, 
and the unanimity of their views, felt that the time 
for action had arrived ; and the first step taken was, 
to prevent in the several counties the sittings of the 
Courts. 

In the autumn, the period having arrived for the 
Courts of Common Pleas to hold their sessions, the 
insurgents assembled in arms, and took possession of 
the court-houses. When the judges went to take 
their seats, bayonets were presented to their breasts, 
and they were informed, that it was the will of their 
sovereign lords, the people, that the Courts should be 
adjourned sine die. No force having been ordered 
for the support of their authority, they were obliged 
to comply, and the sittings were prevented. Such 
were the violent and lawless proceedings that took 
place in the counties of Berkshire, Hampshire, and 
Worcester, that the rebels succeeded in expelling the 
lawyers and judges from their seats in the General 
Court. Encouraged by this success, and the partisans 
of the cause continually increasing, they formed the 
bold design of calling a general convention, for the 
purpose of overturning the Government, and estab- 
lishing a new one on its ruins. 

There were now three parties recognized, the 
friends of the Government, the wavering, and the in- 
surgents. 

Governor Bowdoin, of Massachusetts, was in 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL, 

favour of taking strong and decisive measures. Pre- 
viously to the meeting of the Court in Concord, it 
was known to be the intention of the insurgents to 
oppose by arms their proceedings. The Legislature 
not being in session, the Governor invited the repre- 
sentatives of Boston, and some gentlemen from the 
country, into his Council. 

Colonel Hull was a member of this Council. The 
question was considered, whether it was expedient to 
call out the militia to protect the Court in its sessions 
at Concord. A large majority was in favour of sus- 
taining the civil powers by a military force. The 
Governor accordingly gave orders to General Brooks, 
who commanded the militia of the county, to march 
a detachment, the day before the Court met. Some 
of the judges and influential characters hearing it 
was the intention of the Governor to send a military 
force to sustain the civil authority, repaired to Boston 
two days before the session of the Court. They 
made such a representation of the temper and feelings 
of the people, as induced him to countermand his 
orders to the militia. 

At the same time the expedient was recommend- 
ed of sending expresses to the different towns ; de- 
siring them to send delegates to meet in Convention, 
on the morning of the session of the. Court. The 
object was to open a negotiation with the insurgents, 
and endeavour to dissuade them from their purpose. 

On the morning of the assembling of the Court, 
the judges, the lawyers, and other constituent mem- 
bers of the Court, with the members of the Conven- 



224 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

tion and the insurgents, were all proceeding by dif- 
ferent routes to the town of Concord. A short time 
previously to the meeting of the Court, a body of 
armed insurgents arrived from the north, took posses- 
sion of the court-house, and instead of negotiating 
with the Convention, which had assembled in the 
meeting-house, made its members prisoners. 

Soon after, a reinforcement arrived from the west, 
and formed a junction with their brethren from the 
north. The judges had met at the hotel, and were 
preparing to proceed to the court-house. 

Colonel Hull and some other gentlemen were 
present. It was not long before a body of armed 
men, with several officers, came to the house, and 
inquired for the judges. The officers informed the 
judges that they were a committee from the great 
body of the people in arms, and were instructed to 
inform them that they had taken possession of the 
court-house, with a determination to prevent the 
session of the Court. 

An attempt was made to reason with them. They 
replied, that they had no authority to enter into dis- 
cussion, but only to deliver their message. They 
then returned to the main body. It was decided, 
under the circumstances, to adjourn, and the judges, 
and their associates in public duty, returned to their 
homes. 

The insurgents remained in the town until the 
following morning, and after the adjournment of the 
Court, released from prison the members of the Con- 
vention. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 225 

Late in the autumn the Legislature met. Find- 
ing that the imprisonment of a number of the insur- 
gents had been of no avail, and the utmost efforts of 
the civil authority were in vain exerted to crush the 
spirit of rebellion rapidly spreading over the land, it 
was now resolved to take strong measures. A body 
of militia, consisting of four thousand four hundred 
men, rank and file, were ordered to be ready to act 
in January. Major-General Benjamin Lincoln was 
appointed Commander-in-chief. General Rufus Put- 
nam and Colonel Hull accompanied him, as volun- 
teers. General Shepherd, with a detachment of 
militia, consisting of between eleven and twelve 
hundred men, was ordered to Springfield, for the 
protection of the arsenal. 

The insurgents had chosen for their leader a man 
by the name of Daniel Shays, who had served as a 
captain in the war of the Revolution. He had risen 
to that rank in the ordinary routine of promotion ; 
but had never performed any service that gave him 
distinction as an officer. Before the war ended, he 
was obliged to leave the army, for some dishonourable 
conduct. The force collected by Shays amounted to 
about two thousand men. When he heard of the 
approach of General Lincoln's army, he decided to 
attack General Shepherd, before he could be rein- 
forced by General Lincoln. General Shepherd had 
thrown up some slight redoubts on the rising ground, 
for the security of the arsenal. On these he placed 
several pieces of cannon. When the insurgents ad- 
vanced, an aid-de-camp was sent by General Shep- 

15 



226 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

herd, to inquire the object of their movement. Shays 
replied, that they intended to take possession of the 
arsenal, and continued to advance. They were 
warned to stop, or they would be fired upon. This 
having no effect. General Shepherd ordered a few 
shot to be fired over their heads. Instead of taking 
the alarm, they advanced with still more pertinacity. 
The column was now near, and the batteries were 
ordered to be opened upon it. Several were killed, 
some wounded, and the whole body was thrown into 
confusion. Without attempting to rally, they imme- 
diately retreated up the Connecticut river, and took 
a position on the opposite bank, at West Springfield. 

General Lincoln having arrived, formed his de- 
tachment, and gave to General Putnam the command 
of the right and Colonel Hull the command of the 
left wing. We immediately passed the river on the 
ice, but before we could come in contact with the in- 
surgents, they retreated. We pursued, until darkness 
arrested our progress. We took a number of pris- 
oners. They retreated as far as the town of Hadley, 
where they fell off to the right, and took a position 
in the defiles of the mountains at Pelham, twelve 
miles from East Hadley. General Lincoln advanced 
as far as this place, where he halted a few days. 
While here, many of Shays' adherents came in, and 
availed of the pardon General Lincoln was author- 
ized to grant. The main body still continued with 
Shays, in a strong position at Pelham. 

General Lincoln commenced the pursuit in the 
evening, and making a forced march through a violent 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 



227 



snow-storm, surprised the insurgents in their camp ; 
who fled in every direction. No lives were lost, but 
more than one hundred men were taken prisoners. 
The residue retreated ; some into the State of Ver- 
mont, others into the back part of the State of New- 
York ; while many returned to their homes, and 
asked the clemency of the Government. 

On the tenth of March, the General Court ap- 
pointed three Commissioners ; General Lincoln, the 
Honourable S. Philips, Jun., and the Honourable S. A. 
Otis, to proceed to the western counties, for the pur- 
pose of granting amnesty to the insurgents, on their 
making submission and taking the oath of allegiance. 
Seven hundred and ninety persons took the benefit of 
the commission. Shays, Wheeler, Parsons, Luke, 
Day, and a few others, were excepted. Fourteen 
were arrested, and convicted of high treason. They 
received the sentence of death, but were all ulti 
mately pardoned. 



REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 



CHAPTER XXII. 

The Spirit of Disaffection continues. — Instructions to the Refresejj- 

TATIVE OF the ToWN OF NewTON, MASSACHUSETTS, PREFAKED BY CoLO- 

NEL Hull. 

1787. 

NoTWiTH STANDING all oppositioii to the Govern- 
ment had been put down by the force of arms, yet 
an uneasy and dissatisfied spirit among the people 
was still apparent. The policy adopted was, to clas- 
sify the citizens, and each class was required to fur- 
nish a recruit at the enormous expense of three or four 
hundred dollars. This regulation involved many in 
debt, and, among other causes, w^as a source of the 
present embarrassment. At the ensuing election for 
Governor, Mr. Hancock was a candidate, in opposi- 
tion to Mr. Bowdoin, and was elected by a large ma- 
jority. In the choice of Senators and Representatives 
great efforts were made to select persons favourable 
to the plans of the insurgents, which w^ere successful 
in many instances. 

In Newton, where Colonel Hull resided, there 
was a manfest disposition to oppose the Government. 
The people succeeded in electing a man, by name 
Edward Fuller, who had openly justified the conduct 
of the insurgents. When this choice was announced 
at the town meeting, some surprise was expressed, 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 229 

and it was moved, that the town should ^ive him 
instructions, and a committee be appointed to prepare 
them. This motion was carried. Colonel Hull was 
a member of the committee, and was requested to 
prepare the instructions. It was accordingly done, and 
the report was handed in and was accepted by a large 
majority. It is curious to remark the inconsistency 
of this proceeding of the people, who had elected a 
man professing sentiments entirely opposite to those 
contained in his instructions, as follow : 

"iVfarc/i 18, 1787. Instructions to Captain Edward Fuller, Representa- 
tive for tlie Town of A^ewlon. 

" Sir — Chosen to represent this town in the next 
Legislature at this solemn period of our public affairs, 
you will soon be called on to reflect and decide upon 
principles and measures, on which will depend the 
happiness, the dignity and the perpetuity of our gov- 
ernment. As the part you are to act is of such im- 
portance, and as we are deeply interested in the re- 
sult of your deliberations, we think it our duty to fur- 
nish you with every information in our power for the 
regulation of your conduct.. 

" We must, in the first place, take upon ourselves 
to observe to you, that the office of legislation is an 
elevated trust, in which the general good should be 
the sole object of attention. As the influence of pas- 
sion, of private interest, or party views, would be 
contrary to your oath, and subversive of the very 
design of your appointment, we must expect, in mat- 
ters that may come before you, that you will inquire 



2j30 revolutionary services and civil 

with candour, think with coohiess, and decide with 
sobriety, firmness, and magnanimity. 

" On taking a view of the several important acts 
of the Legislature of the past year, you will find that 
a late unnatural and unprovoked rebellion, which has 
convulsed the country, has been the subject of their 
particular attention : and that their adoption of de- 
cided measures has arrested its progress, and restored 
to the country the blessings of peace. 

" These measures we consider to have been ne- 
cessary to the salvation of our country. But while 
we couOTatulate vou on the wisdom which su^o-ested, 
and the success which attended them, we are con- 
strained to say, that much remains to be done. The 
same energetic arm must fall on the untamed spirit, 
or it will be found that the interests of the best mem- 
bers of the community will fall a sacrifice to the 
lawless views of the worst. That this will be the 
case, the rise, progress, and present state of our 
civil commotions, afford the most unequivocal proof. 

'^ Although the object of the rebellion was, at 
first, thought by many to be the total destruction of 
our present Government, yet the Legislature, imput- 
ing to delusion what we have since had reason to 
believe was the result of a most malignant spirit of 
faction, gave a general pardon to characters whose 
crimes, under an administration less mild, would 
have destined them to an ignominious death. 

" That the great body of the people at this period, 
suffered real grievances, is as true as that the mea- 
sures they adopted to obtain redress were improper 



LITE OF GENERAL WILLLVM HULL. 93 1 

and unjustifiable. During a long war, their com- 
merce had been cut off, and their fishery, a great 
source of their wealth, annihilated. The most 
healthy and able young men had been taken from 
agriculture and attached to the arm v. 

" The last years of the war, the bills of credit hav- 
ing entirely failed, the people had been classed, to 
furnish the military service. They had paid heavy 
taxes each year of the war, and in addition to this, 
they had sustained their proportion of loss, of about 
two hundred millions of dollars, by the depreciation 
of paper money, which had sunk to nothing in their 
hands. Now, when peace was restored and military 
duty ended, they found their resources exhausted : 
but, nevertheless, they were required to pay their 
taxes in specie, and likewise their debts, which had 
been nearly doubled by the accumulation of interest 
durins: the war. 

"Men who had considered themselves indepen- 
dent, were now oppressed by poverty and debt. But 
deplorable as their condition was, they lived under a 
government of their own choice, and should have 
considered, that violent and unlawful measures would 
onlv recoil on themselves.* 

* The authority to govern and the ruled for a time their reason and 

duty to obey, are directly taught by their sense of duty, must in the end 

Revelation. Government is not of have been thankful, that there was 

man's invention : it was given by a strong arm in the land, that could 

God. That it receives the sanction stay them from the excesses and 

of rehoion. gives wisdom and energy ruin into which they were plunging, 

to its acts. Certainly the very men, — ^Editok. 
whose sufferings and passions over- 



232 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

" Law was necessary to the protection of their per- 
sons and their property. They chose their legislators 
for a short period, and could dismiss them at the pro- 
per time, if they believed them unworthy of their con- 
fidence. Reluctantly did the rulers of the State 
draw the sword, as the last resort. But its energy 
and decision, no less than the conciliatory course 
pursued by the Commander-in-chief of its army, 
crushed the insurrection, and peace was restored 
without the horrors and bloodshed incident to civil 
war. 

" The virtue of the higher classes preserved the 
State, perhaps the Union. A feeling of irritation ex- 
isted among the people, which, had it been fostered, 
and their cause sustained by men of talents, influence, 
and military experience, would have produced incal- 
culable misery, and long hindered a restoration to 
peace and order, which was so happily and speedily 
established. But in the true spirit of depravity, 
mercy was construed to be weakness; and the flames 
of insurrection spreading with accelerated fury, the 
courts of justice were interrupted, the law^s laid pros- 
trate, the rights of property put afloat, and all per- 
sonal security at an end. 

" In this state of things, a military force was the 
only alternative. Called to act at a most timely pe- 
riod, and exercised with a happy combination of 
mercy and severity, coolness and spirit, opposition 
from the rebels ceased, and, apparently, order and 
good faith were restored. The arm of mercy was 
again extended. But what appears to be the conse- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 233 

quence ? Not a return to their allegiance, but still 
cherishing the spirit of rebellion, threaten hostilities, 
and triumph in their escape from justice. This spirit 
must be, subdued. The measures adopted by the last 
Legislature, have met our highest approbation ; and 
we expect that you will exert your influence to secure 
their permanency, so long as the necessity exists. 

" Much has been said, of late, in regard to the 
emissions of paper money, to relieve the burthens, or, 
in the language of the factious and disorderly, to re- 
dress the grievances of the people. We must say to 
you, sir, that the measure would not only be produc- 
tive of certain ruin to individuals, but to the commu- 
nity. 

"Money being the representative of transferable 
property in every part of the world, to which the use 
of it extends, the precious metals, which the whole 
commercial world has adopted as a medium, in the 
principles of their circulation resemble a fluid, ever 
striving for an equilibrium. When money is scarce, 
property at market will ever be cheap. Cheapness 
of markets will always bring purchasers, and purcha- 
sers, cash. When money is too plenty, prices will 
rise in proportion, and purchasers will send their 
money to other markets, where similar articles 
will be bought at a cheaper rate. Long experience 
has established the truth of this position, that money 
cannot long, in any place, be too plenty or too scarce, 
but, in commercial countries, must bear the same pro- 
portion to the property at market. 

" The evils, therefore, which we now experience, 



234 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

in the nature of things must work their own cure. 
Patience and industry, united to honour and integrity 
in our dealings, are the only remedies to be applied. 

" To seek relief by paper money, would be a poli- 
tical empiricism, founded in fraud, which would in- 
volve individuals in ruin, and eventually beggar our 
country. However paradoxical it may seem, the in- 
jury the State would receive from a paper medium, 
would be in proportion to its credit. The reason is 
obvious. If we now have a deficiency of specie, and 
that deficiency is supplied by bills of credit, no specie 
will come in. Should we extend the emission, so as 
to occasion a surplusage, compared with other com- 
mercial places, that part of the medium which can, 
will leave us, until the level is restored. 

" Gold and silver being general in their credit, in 
their credit would only forsake us. In case, then, of 
a foreign invasion, where would be our resources ? 
The paper money would at once fall to the ground, 
and we should find ourselves poor and wretched in 
the extreme, without supplies, without money, and 
without credit. 

" A paper bill can be of no value, but as it repre- 
sents specie. The notes of the Massachusetts Bank, 
for instance, circulate freely, because it is believed 
they will always be redeemed at sight, while the 
State securities are sold at a large discount, as the 
time and manner of their payment is totally uncertain. 

" Thus it is with the bank bills of England ; they 
circulate at par ; at the same time, the paper of their 
public funds is sold at a discount of twenty-five to 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLLA.M HULL. 235 

thirty per cent. That our bills, if emitted, would not 
be a representative of specie, is certain, since the want 
of it is the only reason for the emission. The value 
of such a medium, therefore, must be, at the moment 
it is issued, less than it promise?. How, then, shall 
it obtain circulation ? Shall we tread in the footsteps 
of Rhode Island, and discharge with it our public 
debt, and then make it a tender in all private con- 
tracts ? Shall we then bury, in one common grave, 
public and private credit ? Would not this render our 
country infamous to a proverb ? And here, sir, we 
may be permitted to express our belief, that a gov- 
ernment which suffers the rights of property to be 
thus sported with, cannot long retain its tranquillity 
or its freedom. 

" The hard earnings of industry, are almost as dear 
as life itself ; and no one who has the feelings of a 
man about him, will ever yield them up without a 
struggle. 

" The first article in our Bill of Rights declares, 
' that all men are born free and equal, and have cer- 
tain natural, essential, unalienable rights, among 
which may be reckoned the rights of enjoying and 
defending their lives and liberties ; and that of ac- 
quiring, possessing and protecting property.' 

" As the discharging of debts by a paper medium 
would be a high invasion of the rights of property, 
the preservation of which is among the principal ob- 
jects of legislation ; it is plain, that an act, authorizing 
a measure of this kind, would be a violation of dele- 
gated trust, and tend to the dissolution of the Govern- 



236 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

ment. It is therefore our most serious opinion, that 
whenever legislators attempt to take away or destroy 
private property, allegiance is no longer a virtue ; 
and the people are again thrown upon their natural 
and reserved rights. 

" But we regret to remark, that our present con- 
vulsed state of society takes its rise from a principle 
of opposition between debtors and creditors ; be- 
tween the rich and the poor : a source from whence 
has arisen most of those civil wars, which, after 
having drenched in blood a greater part of the an- 
cient and many of the modern republics, have occa- 
sioned the ruin of them all. 

'^ Objections will always exist to the Laws of Ten- 
der, and all other expedients which interfere with 
private contracts. The moment a government as- 
sumes the power of authorizing a debtor to discharge 
his debts in a manner different from his engagements, 
all private confidence is lost, and credit is at an 
end. The money-holder will not only withhold his 
loan, but send it to some foreign country, where the 
rights of property are held more sacred. It is our 
opinion, that the present scarcity of specie, which 
was at first partial, but now universally prevails, is 
principally occasioned by the very measures intended 
as a remedy. 

" You will therefore use all your endeavours to pre- 
vent a continuance of the Law of Tender, and all 
others interfering with private engagements. 

" It is a misfortune, that corporate bodies will fre- 
quently sanction acts, which in their individual capa 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 237 

cities they would blush to avow. But we wish you 
to bear in mind, that justice is invariable in all her 
laws. Should an attempt be made to stamp a de- 
preciation on the public securities, and thereby to de- 
fraud those who, in a day of public distress, advanced 
their property and devoted their lives to the service 
of their country, we conjure you, in the most solemn 
manner, to oppose such legislation. As we revere 
the principles of justice and the feelings of gratitude, 
let the idea never obtain in our councils ; let the 
thought never find utterance, that we are members 
of a community, where ingratitude is countenanced 
by authority ; where injustice is sustained by law. 
We are alike subject to internal commotions, as ex- 
posed to external invasion. The safety of our coun- 
try may again call for public credit and public ser- 
vices ; it is therefore important that laws be enacted, 
to secure confidence in the faith of our Government. 

" Placing the subject on the broad basis of na- 
tional policy, a firm reliance on the integrity of Gov- 
ernment should never be shaken. Debt ought never 
to be cancelled until fully paid. 

" Before the expiration of the present year, the 
attention of the Legislature will probably be called to 
consider the report of the Federal Convention, now 
sitting in Philadelphia. Experience has taught, that 
the powers of the present confederacy are inadequate 
to the great objects of its institution. We look to 
the happiest results from the integrity and ability of 
the characters who compose this august assembly. 
They are men who have uniformly been distinguished 



238 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

as the firm patriots of our country, and the illustrious 
Washington is one of their number. Should this body 
present to the Legislature, as we doubt not they will, 
a system which promises a firm, efficient Federal Gov- 
ernment, founded on the equal principles of civil lib- 
erty, you will not hesitate to vote for it. 

" You will consider, sir, that government is insti- 
tuted for the benefit and happiness of the people. 
You will therefore avoid attempting to lay any other 
burthens, excepting those which a solemn regard to 
public faith and public justice render necessary. In 
your inquiries on these points, we think you will find 
that taxes on lands and on polls are too high. Use 
your endeavours, therefore, to draw the necessary 
revenue from a different quarter ; a much larger pro- 
portion, we conceive, should be derived from impost 
and excise on the luxuries of life. By adhering to 
such a system, the burthens will lie on those who are 
able and willing to bear them, and afford support 
and encouragement to the temperate and frugal. 

" As the public burthens and embarrassments are 
heavy, it is important that the greatest economy be 
introduced into every department of Government. 
We would wish to have the salaries of all public offi- 
cers as low as is consistent with the dignity and 
honour of their station. If money has become more 
valuable than when the salaries were established, a 
reduction of them is not inconsistent with the original 
principle on which they were granted. 

" In fine, sir, you will use your constant endeav- 
ours, that a sacred regard should be had for public 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 



239 



and private faith ; that the rights of debtor and cred- 
itor be equally secured ; that justice be the pole-star 
of all jour public movements ; in order that Govern- 
ment may find it easy to enforce it among our citi- 
zens. Let agriculture and manufactures be encour- 
aged, and there cannot be a doubt but that we shall 
soon rise superior to present evils, and become a 
happy and prosperous people." 

" Voted — That the foregoing proceedings and 
instructions be certified by the Town Clerk, and 
printed in some public newspaper." 



240 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

Petition to Congkess for Pay of Officers and Soedieks of the Revo- 
lutionary Army. 

In the formation of the Constitution of the Uni- 
ted States, powers were granted to Congress to make 
provision for the pubhc debt, contracted during the 
war. 

The officers and soldiers of the Revolutionary 
Army were the last class of creditors who applied for 
that indemnity to which their well-earned services 
had entitled them. For a long time it was considered 
that no application was necessary. They relied on 
the justice of their claims. Their services, and the 
manner in which they had been remunerated, were 
inscribed on the Records of Congress. Not more 
than one-eighth part of the consideration-money had 
been paid them. Under these circumstances, they 
felt assured the satisfaction of their claims would have 
been among the first objects of the Government. 
They were disappointed. Waiting three years after 
the organization of the Constitution for a disburse- 
ment of their claims, the officers could wait no 
longer, without a dereliction of duty they owed them- 
selves and the soldiers who had served with them 
during the war. 

They called a meeting to consult on measures for 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLL\M HULL. 241 

relief. It was determined to present a petition to 
Congress, and to prepare a circular, to be addressed 
to the officers of the other States, to invite their co- 
operation in the measures that had been adopted. 

By the wish of the officers of Massachusetts, Co- 
lonel Hull was requested to repair to Philadelphia, 
then the seat of Government, to explain and enforce 
their petition. 

On his arrival in March, he found no agents from 
any of the other States, and believing that a united 
application would have more effect, than from one 
State alone, he did not present the petition to Con- 
gress. 

For the purpose of uniting all the influence of 
those who were interested, he addressed a letter to 
the senior officer of each State, of which the follow- 
ing is a copy : 

CIRCULAR. 

PliUadelphia, April, 1792. 

Sir — In conformity to an appointment and in- 
structions from the officers of the Massachusetts line 
of the American army, I have attended at the seat 
of Government from the 20th of March to the present 
period. The object of my commission was to obtain 
a decision on a memorial, which they had heretofore 
presented to Congress, on the subject of further com- 
pensation for themselves and the soldiers who served 
during the war. Although in the first instance, sim- 
ilar applications were expected from those in the 
different States who were interested, yet expectation 
was defeated by a delay of the communication, con 

16 



242 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

tained in the Circular Address of 28th February, and 
an idea that an earlier adjournment of Congress would 
have taken place. 

Finding myself thus situated, and considering 
that the officers and soldiers through the United States 
were equally interested in the question, I deemed it 
a mark of respect and attention, due to them, not to 
propose a consideration of the subject, until they had 
an opportunity of becoming applicants in the mea- 
sures we had adopted, and of affording us the aid of 
their advice and assistance. 

As a proper investigation and decision of this 
question, is of the highest importance ; affording re- 
lief to a large number of our companions of the war, 
whose distresses are only equalled by their patience ; 
and as a union of sentiment and measures will be 
most likely to effect the object of our reasonable 
wishes ; I have particular instructions from the offi- 
cers of Massachusetts, to request a co-operation of 
the officers of your line, at the opening of the next 
session of Congress. They will attend at that time 
by their agent or agents, and a final decision will 
doubdess be obtained. As my brother officers in 
Massachusetts have intrusted this business to my 
care, and as I have devoted some attention to the 
consideration of the subject, I flatter myself you 
will not deem it improper in me, in this communica- 
tion, to make some general observations thereon. 
The claim of the army on the public, is so fixed in 
the unalterable principles of justice, that they ought 
to feel the fullest confidence of success. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 243 

The people of America know, and the public re- 
cords will ever perpetuate a recognition of the ser- 
vices which have been rendered, and the manner in 
which they have been remunerated. An attempt to 
prove that a demand of the most sacred nature still 
remains uncancelled, would be only to show that a 
part is less than the whole. 

The case in point, indeed, is stronger than any 
that can he adduced in its support; and the feehngs 
of every honest heart will overcome every argument 
which sophistry can devise or ingenuity invent, in 
opposition to the claim. 

Were I to attempt an investigation of the subject, 
it would appear, from the most authentic documents, 
that the public engagement to the army was for a 
specific sum in specie. That certain military services 
were to be rendered in consequence of this engage- 
ment. That there has been a full acknowledgment 
on the part of the United States, that the services 
have been faithfully performed. That the public 
neither discharged the demand in specie nor in other 
property, equivalent to specie. That the certificates 
being unsupported by funds, had no other value than 
what was stamped on them by public opinion. That 
this value was sanctioned by the uniform adjudication 
of the Courts, throughout the United States, in 
causes relating to this kind of property. That the 
same principle has been recognized by the Legisla- 
tures of the different States, in a variety of instances. 
That Congress itself, under the Confederation, was 
impressed with the same sentiments, particularly in 



244 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES' AND CIVIL 

the instance of the sale of the lands in the Western 
Territorj, for a price greatly enhanced, in conse- 
quence of payment being made in certificates. 

From these facts, it most conclusively follows, that 
the claim of the army is not chimerical, but founded 
in justice. From these facts, and the conclusion 
which follows, what possible reason can be given, 
why we should not, in a manly manner, ask for our 
riglits ? The present Government is not only en- 
dowed with the ability, but was formed for the 
express purpose of establishing justice. While the 
services of those men, who cheerfully endured every 
toil, hardship, and danger, which are incident to a 
military life ; who persevered in the service of their 
country, until peace and happiness were restored, 
remain unrewarded, it can never be said that this 
object has been attained. 

The pleasure which every honest American must 
feel, from a reflection on the present prosperous state 
of his country, must necessarily be impaired by the 
consideration, that those services are unrewarded, 
which modesty need not blush to say, greatly contri- 
buted to that public felicity which is now enjoyed. 
Nor is this all. Many of the men who performed 
these services, are, from the want of the just compen- 
sation which was promised them, now pining in indi- 
gence, languishing in jails, or compelled to seek a 
subsistence in the neighbourhood of savages, upon 
the frontiers of the United States ; while every thing 
they eat, drink, or wear in their distressing situations, 
is taxed, to pay the difference between the former 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 245 

low and present high value of their certificates, to 
the present holders of them. 

To show that those persons who are entitled to 
the public consideration, can easily be distinguished ; 
that a further compensation can be made, by paying 
only the debt which actually existed at the time when 
the funding system was adopted ; and that in doing 
it, no new debt will be created ; and that the pur- 
chasers of alienated securities, will not be affected, 
or any interference be made with any systems which 
have been adopted ; I beg leave to present the fol- 
lowing statement. 

The army may be divided into four classes : — 

First. Those whose term of service expired first 
January, 1776. 

Second. Those whose term of service expired 
first January, 1777. 

Third. Those who enlisted in the year 1777, for 
three years or during the war. The term of service of 
those who enlisted for three years, expired in 1780. 

Fourth. Those who enlisted in 1780. 

The first and second classes have no well founded 
claims, because there was no depreciation of the 
money at the time they were paid. The fourth class 
perhaps have no claim in equity, because the large 
bounties they received were a full equivalent for their 
services. The third class, with the officers, remain 
only to be considered. They depended wholly on the 
stipulations of Congress. This class, having served 
during the principal part of the war, received certifi- 
cates in payment, the value of which has been con- 



246 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

sidered. They returned home under the disadvan- 
tages of having the habits of their former occupation& 
impaired bj their military pursuits; their property 
and connexions deranged and lost, and their families 
involved for a necessary support. Thus circum- 
stanced, necessity compelled them to dispose of their 
certificates for the current price in the market. After 
the present Government, was established, provision 
was made for these certificates, wherever they were 
found. By that provision, the purchasers received 
an immense advantage. The public, however, saved 
a part of the debt, which was originally due, two per 
cent, for ten years on the principal of the whole 
debt, and half the interest which had accumulated. 
This remnant now remains, and in paying it, no more 
than the original debt will be discharged. 

The rival pretenders to this remnant, will be the 
original holders, who earned the whole by the sweat 
of their brow, and the present holders, who have al- 
ready received seven or eight hundred per cent, on the 
money which they advanced. 

In the name of justice, equity, and good con- 
science, which claim is to be preferred ? Every man 
will answer, that of the soldier, unless his feelings are 
steeled against the principles of honour, good faith, 
and gratitude. 

This remnant, therefore, so far as it extends to 
our own original claims, may be appropriated with 
great propriety, to relieve the sufferings of the fore- 
going description of men. In addition to this, there 
can be no doubt but Congress will be disposed to 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 247 

make a liberal grant of land in the Western Territory, 
for the same purpose ; for, it is not to be forgotten 
that those vast possessions, on which has been found- 
ed the pleasing expectation of sinking the whole of 
the public debt, are the fruits of those toils which the 
Government is now called upon to compensate. 1 
have only, sir, to request you to take the earliest op- 
portunity to make this communication known to the 
officers of your line, and I sincerely hope, at the 
opening of the next session of Congress, they will 
think proper to make this application. 

I am, with sentiments of respect, in behalf of the 
officers of the Massachusetts line of the late army, 
you obedient servant, 

(Signed) William Hull. 

Washington writes to Thomas Jefferson, in 1788: 
" I feel mortified that there should have been any 
just ground for the clamour of the foreign officers who 
served with us ; but after having received a quarter 
of their whole debt in specie, and their interest in the 
same, for some time, they have infinitely less reason 
for complaint than our native officers, of whom the 
suffering and neglect have been equalled only by 
their patience and patriotism. A great proportion of 
the officers and soldiers of the American army, have 
been compelled, by indigence, to part with their se- 
curities for one eighth of their nominal value ; yet 
their conduct is very different from what you repre- 
sented the French officers to have been."* 

* Lafayette was not one — -he came compensation ; besides often supply-^ 
as a volunteer, and served vi^ithout ing, from his own private fortune,. 



248 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

Colonel Hull was elected the agent to attend the 
next Congress, in the year 1793. 

Agents had assembled from a number of the 
States, but not from the w^hole, v^^ith petitions similar 
to the one from the officers of the Massachusetts line. 

After an interesting debate in the House of Re- 
presentatives, it was resolved, that the prayer of the 
petitioners should not be granted. 

In the discussion, little was said against the jus- 
tice of the claims ; the arguments were rather in fa- 
vour of them. But the leading members of the ma- 
jority in Congress thought it necessary, from motives 
of policy, and to preserve their consistency, to oppose 
the claim. 

A system had been adopted for funding the pub- 
lic debt. In its operation, it was contended that it 
was not founded in equity. It was opposed by great 
talents and profound reasoning. 

The system was, in addition to the present du- 
ties on imports and tonnage, to provide by duties on 
wines, distilled spirits, including those made in the 
United States, teas and coffee, a fund to cancel the 
national debt, both foreign and domestic* The debt 
of the American officers and soldiers was not in- 
cluded. 

The preservation of the new Constitution, at this 
early period of its operations, was highly important ; 
and this system, by which to discharge its obligations, 

necessaries for tlie soldiers. He stow it on suffering America. — Ed- 

never asked for remuneration. His itor. 

fortune was ample, and it was lux- * Hamilton's Report on Public 

ury, to liis generous heart, to be- Credit. — "Federalist" Vol. I., p. 43. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 249 

was viewed as essential to its existence. To have 
admitted other claims, not provided for at first, would 
have proved a dangerous precedent, and been consi- 
dered an acknowledgment of the defects of the sys- 
tem, which would have caused its destruction, and 
with it, have endangered, if it had not produced the 
dissolution of the Government. 

The rejection of the petition produced much ex- 
citement, and not a little indignation. It was consi- 
dered as discarding claims which the country was 
bound to provide for, by every principle of justice, 
equity, and gratitude. The services which were the 
foundation of these claims, were, " the price of hber- 
ly, without which the nation itself could never have 
attained an independent existence." 

Even the illustrious Washington, then President 
of the United States, did not escape censure. It was 
thought by many, that he had not on that occasion 
redeemed the solemn pledges he had given at the dis- 
banding of the army. A number of anonymous es- 
says were published in the Philadelphia papers, con- 
taining severe strictures on his conduct. 

Colonel Hull being the principal agent in the ap- 
plication to Congress, was supposed by some to be 
the author of these essays. But he writes : 

" I have mentioned this circumstance for no other 
purpose than that the truth may be known, that I was 
not the author, and had no agency or knowledge 
whatever, either in writing or publishing them. Dur- 
ing my attendance on Congress, I had frequent con- 
versations with the President, on the subject of my 



250 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

mission. He observed : ' I know the claims of the army 
to be just, and I regret they have not been provided 
for. When the petitions were presented, it was con- 
sidered by a majority as an unfavourable time. To 
grant them, would interfere with the arrangements 
which had been made to cancel the public debt. It 
is, however, a business of legislation, and does not 
belong to my department ; but I hope the time will 
come, when the claims of the army will be discharged ; 
and, while 1 live, they shall always have my sup- 
port.' " 

The subject has since been been frequently 
brought before Congress, but no definite measures 
adopted. An act of charity has been passed, grant- 
ing an annuity to a certain description of officers and 
soldiers attached to the revolutionary army. It ex- 
tended only to those who were paupers by misfortune, 
idleness, or intemperance. This class must have 
been supported at the public expense, had they never 
have rendered any service to their country. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 251 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Indian War. — Colonel Hull appointed a Commissioner to Upper Cana- 
da, TO MAKE ARRANGEMENTS FOR A TrEATY WITH THE INDIANS. INTERVIEW 

WITH Governor Simcoe. 

In the years 1792-3, a savage war desolated the 
frontiers. It was conducted with unusual cruelty and 
barbarity. The prisoners taken in battle were tor- 
tured and doomed to a lingering death. More than 
fifteen hundred persons, men, women, and children, 
while emigrating to the western country, fell under 
the tomahawk, or were taken prisoners by the sava- 
ges. In two campaigns, the first under General 
Harmar, the second under General St. Clair, misfor- 
tunes attended the American arms. 

In the battle of the Miami, where St. Clair 
commanded, thirty-eight officers were killed, and be- 
tween five and six hundred non-commissioned officers 
and soldiers were killed and missing. General Butler, 
of Pennsylvania, whose valour we witnessed at Stony 
Point, was among the slain. 

General St. Clair retreated with the remnant of 
his army to Fort Jefferson. He was labouring under 
a painful disease, and could not mount or leave his 
horsC without assistance. But his orders during the 
action were delivered with coolness, intrepidity, and 
judgment. 



252 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

In the commencement of the engagement, sixty 
of the militia ran away. A regiment was sent in 
pursuit of them, that others might be deterred from 
following their example. These troops were all ab- 
sent during the engagement, which greatly reduced 
the force of St. Clair. The contest was severe, and 
the lives of the officers were sacrificed in their perse- 
vering efforts to preserve order, and compel the militia 
to the performance of duty ; so great had been the 
panic at the first onset. 

" General St. Clair requested that a Court Mar- 
tial should sit on his conduct. But this request could 
not be granted, because there were not in the Amer- 
ican service, officers of a grade to form a Court for 
his trial on military principles. A Committee of the 
House of Representatives was appointed to inquire 
into the causes of the failure of the expedition, whose 
report, in explicit terms, exculpated the Commander- 
in-chief. More satisfactory testimony in favour of St. 
Clair, is furnished by the circumstance, that he still 
retained the undiminished esteem and good opinion 
of General Washington."* 

It would have been impossible for the Indians to 
have kept the field with success, without the aid of 
the British Government; as they cannot exist in a 
body but for a short period, unless furnished with pro- 
visions and the munitions of war. These were, it 
was well understood, supplied by the British. They 
erected forts within our territories to favour. their 

* Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. V., page 398. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 



253 



plans, and still retained and occupied the posts on 
the northwestern frontier, Avhich had been ceded to 
the United States, in direct opposition to our treaty 
with England. All this was considered a sufficient 
ground for a declaration of war on the part of the 
United States ; but such was the condition of the 
country, that Congress was desirous of doing what 
could be done by negotiation, without having recourse 
to arms. The savages were contending for what 
they deemed their rights, and in the spirit of com- 
passion for that unfortunate race, the Government 
exercised toward them a pacific temper ; anxious to 
put an end to the contest otherwise than by the 
sword. That such happy results might be realized, 
Mr. Jay, our Minister at the Court of Great Britain, 
was authorized and instructed, if possible, to net^o- 
tiate and settle all differences existing between the 
two Governments, and to enter into a treaty by which 
the posts held by the British within the territories of 
the United States, should be surrendered. This ob- 
ject was effected. In the mean time, preparations 
were made, in case the war with the savages should 
be continued ; which, from appearances, seemed most 
probable. An army of five thousand men was raised, 
and the command given to General Wayne ; General 
St. Clair having resigned. 

While these preparations were making, a renewed 
effort was made to terminate the war, by a direct 
communication to the Indians of the pacific views of 
the United States. 

Colonel Harden and Major Trueman, worthy cit- 



254 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

izens and excellent officers, were sent as envoys into 
the Indian country, with propositions of peace. They 
were both murdered by the savages, though in gene- 
ral they respect the rights of public messengers as 
much as civilized nations. The families of " these 
valuable citizens who had thus fallen victims in their 
country's service, were, on the recommendation of the 
President, provided for by the National Legislature. 

" Intelligence that the pacific overtures from the 
United States had been rejected by the Indians, did 
not arrive till September, 1793. It was then too 
late to prosecute the objects of the expedition. Gen- 
eral Wayne advanced no farther than the ground on 
which St. Clair had been defeated. There he erect- 
ed a Fort, to which he gave the name of Recov- 

In January, 1793, Colonel Hull was appointed, 
under the authority of the Government, a Commis- 
sioner, to make arrangements with the British Gov- 
ernment, for a treaty with the Indians in the Western 
country, with whom the United States were then at 
war. His instructions were, to explain to Governor 
Simcoe, then Governor of Upper Canada, the man- 
ner in which the savages were supplied with the mu- 
nitions of war, provisions and clothing, by the Agents 
of Indian Affairs, and the commanding officers of the 
British garrisons at Detroit, Michilimackinac, and 
other places conveniently situated for the purpose. 
He was likewise authorized to hold treaties with the 

* Ramsay's History of the United States, Vol. III., page 58. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 255 

Indians, and inform them that the President of the 
United States would appoint Commissioners the next 
summer to meet them at Sandusky or any other con- 
venient place, with full authority to settle all differ- 
ences and to bury the hatchet. He was further di- 
rected to make arrangements with Governor Simcoe, 
that there should be no impediment in the passage 
of the Commissioners over Lakes Ontario and Erie, 
with the supplies for the treaty. 

These preliminaries were necessary, as the British 
armed vessels commanded the waters and the posts 
on the borders of the Lakes, within the territories of 
the United States, which had not been surrendered. 

On the arrival of Colonel Hull at the seat of Gov- 
ernment in Upper Canada, he was received with 
marked attention and politeness. Every thing was 
done, both in a public and private manner, to express 
the respect that was entertained for the nation he 
represented. 

After communicating the object of his mission, 
the Governor observed, that it gave him great plea- 
sure to see him, and particularly to act with him in the 
business to which he had referred ; and that he 
would do all in his power, for the accommodation of 
the American Commissioners, and the accomplish-, 
ment of the treaty, according to the wishes of the 
Government of the United States. That so far from 
any impediment in their passage and in the trans- 
portation of the necessary supplies, he would furnish 
them with British vessels and boats, if desired. He 
further observed, that if his presence at the treaty 



256 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

could be of any use, he would cheerfully attend the 
Commissioners, and make use of all his influence in 
the attainment of the object. Colonel Hull replied, 
that he was gratified with the favourable disposition 
expressed by the Governor, and thanked him for his 
kind offers in affording the aid of his influence in 
the treaty. That as to his attending with the Com- 
missioners, he had no authority on the subject. That 
the Commissioners on their tour would probably call 
and pay their respects to him, when they would make 
such arrangements as their instructions should em- 
brace. Colonel Hull then remarked, that truth and 
plain dealing were the safest as well as the wisest 
basis on which to rest a cause, and that, authorized 
by his Government, he should express the views held 
by it, in relation to the objects of his mission. That 
the Governor had promised more than was asked or 
even desired. 

He then observed, that the President of the 
United States, from the necessity of the case, was 
obliged to make a request of the British Govern- 
ment in regard to a movement on his part, Vv^here 
our rights were unequivocally established. By the 
treaty of peace, the line ran through the centre of 
.the Lakes, which gave our country an equal claim to 
the navigation of them. We had been for ten years 
deprived of this privilege. At the present moment, 
to possess it was essential to our success in carrying 
out the wishes of the Government, in meeting the 
proposition of the Indians, to hold a treaty at San- 
dusky. Lake Erie was the only channel of commu- 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 257 

nication by water to that place, by which the neces- 
sary supplies could be forwarded. Colonel Hull was 
therefore instructed by his Government, to obtain a 
definite answer to the question, ivhether there would 
be any impediment thrown in the way of the American 
Commissioners, treating with the Indians, ivhi/e in 
the execution of their duty. He was now happy to 
reflect, that a satisfactory reply had already been 
given by the Governor, and on which he should rely 
without further remark. With regard to the posts, it 
was not necessary to enter into any discussion, as a 
negotiation was then pending at the British Court, 
and it was hoped it would terminate in giving to our 
country peaceable possession of them. Colonel Hull 
continued to observe, that in justice to his Govern- 
ment, no motives of delicacy should operate in a full 
disclosure of facts, too well established to be withheld 
in his present communication. That it was generally 
understood, to enable the savages to carry on the 
war, they had been supplied, by Indian agents and 
commanding officers of the garrisons in the province 
where Governor Simcoe commanded, with small- 
arms, swords, hatchets, scalping-knives, powder, -ball, 
clothing, provisions, and all other necessaries. Fur- 
ther, it was observed, that not only the old forts, 
guaranteed to us by the treaty of peace in 1783, had 
been held, but a new one had been erected on the 
Miami, far within our territory, and in a favourable 
situation to supply the Indians and aid them in their 
military operations. That it was known, that these 

17 



258 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

Indian agents and British officers were under his 
superintendence, and acted by his orders. 

In reply to these plain statements of facts, Gover- 
nor Simcoe remarked, that the British Government 
made annual presents to the Indians, in considera- 
tion of lands which they had ceded. That it furnished 
them with such articles as were most useful and ne- 
cessary. As their principal support is derived from 
hunting, guns, powder and lead were most important. 
That the articles named, had only been furnished in 
the usual quantity, and for the purposes which he had 
stated. 

It was answered, that whatever the intention 
was, when the articles were delivered, the manner in 
which they were used was well known. That it 
was a settled axiom of the laws of nations, that 
for a neutral to supply a belligerent with warlike 
stores, was a violation of neutrality. The British 
Government well knew that it was impossible for the 
Indians to carry on the war without its assistance ; 
and the United States was well informed that this 
assistance was rendered, and was now the only im- 
pediment to peace. 

Governor Simcoe then said, that Lord Dorches- 
ter was the Governor-general of all the British 
provinces in North America, and Commander-in-chief 
of the King's forces, and was likewise Superintend- 
ent-general of Indian affairs. That whatever had 
been done in the military or Indian departments, had 
been done by his orders. That he himself, in his own 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 259 

province, was independent of those departments, and 
they acted by his authority. He concluded by remarking 
that he presumed the authority of Lord Dorchester 
had been exercised in a correct manner, and there 
could be no well-founded ground of complaint on the 
part of the United States. 

The negotiation here terminated. The pledge 
received from the Governor, that it would afford him 
pleasure to extend accommodation to the United 
States to aid them in the prosecution of the treaty 
with the Indians, was deemed sufficient. 

The events of the year were highly favourable to 
the condition of American affairs. The happy ter- 
mination of the treaty with the British Government, 
so ably negotiated by Mr. Jay, by which the posts 
were surrendered, together with the complete victory 
over the Indians by General Wayne, gave permanent 
peace to our borders. 

Governor Simcoe' was a man of talent and en- 
terprise. He had served as a partisan officer, during 
our Revolutionary war, and was highly distinguished. 
He had various plans for internal improvement ; and 
looked to the extension of his province in their ope- 
ration. He laid out a city in Upper Canada, to 
which he gave the name of London : intending to 
make it the seat of Government. He formed the pro- 
ject of a canal from Lake Ontario through a lake, to 
which he gave his own name, to unite with Huron. 
From all the information obtained, it appeared that 
his intentions were, to extend the boundaries of his 
province from Lake Erie to the upper branches of 



260 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

the Alleghany river, and down that river and the 
Ohio, to the Mississippi, which was to form his 
western boundary. 

One means of effecting this great object was, by 
retaining the posts and providing the means of con- 
tinning the war between the savages and the United 
States. This vast territory, being principally unset- 
tled, he entertained the wild opinion, that the United 
States would be willing to abandon it, and give it in 
exchange for peace with the savages. The surrender 
of the posts, and peace with the Indians, destroyed 
these visionary schemes. He resigned his govern- 
ment and returned to England.* 

* See Appendix, No. V. — Ex- with the British, under Governor 
tracts from a Journal of Colonel Simcoe, and also with the Indians. 
Hull, while a Commissioner to treat 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 261 



CHAPTER XXlV. 

Colonel Hull visits Europe. — Address to the President of the Uni- 
ted States, John Adams, and his answer, in relation to the Mi- 
litia OF THE County of Middlesex. 

1798. 

The winter was passed by Colonel Hull in Lon- 
don, arid the spring spent in France. In the latter 
country he witnessed the Legislative Assembly, and 
the Revolutionary Tribunals of that ill-fated country ; 
visited its armies, and returned to America with a 
just pride in the superiority of his own country, in 
virtue, patriotism, and moderation. 

Soon after his return, he was appointed by the 
Governor and Council, Judge of the Court of Com- 
mon Pleas, and elected by the third division, in the 
place of General Brooks, to whom he had been se- 
cond in command many years, both in the Revolution- 
ary army and in the militia.* He was likewise 
elected Senator in the Legislature of Massachusetts. 
He was annually elected Senator, and continued in 
other public situations, until he voluntarily resigned 

* Biographical Notice of General ence in the promotion of the Federal 

Hull, by liis son-in-law, Doctor Sam- Constitution. In 1789 he was 

uel Clarke. In 1787 he was ap- chosen to succeed his fellow sol. 

pointed to the command of first bri- dier. General Lincoln, commander 

gade of this division. At that time of the " Ancient and Honourable 

lie was active in exerting his influ- Artillery." 



262 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

them, on being appointed Governor of the Michigan 
Territory. 

During this period, a strong party-spirit prevailed, 
and it was well understood that his political sentiments 
were not in accordance with the Government of the 
State. 

In speaking of the third division, he writes : " 1 
cannot, without doing injustice to my feelings, and to 
the officers and soldiers whom I for so many years 
had the honour to command, omit to express the 
strong attachment which to this moment I feel to- 
wards them, for their unceasing and laudable exer- 
tions to co-operate with me in every measure for 
their improvement in military discipline. 

" The public records of our State, and the re- 
membrance of many, now on the stage, will bear tes- 
timony to the elevated rank of this portion of our mi- 
litia, its high state of discipline, and the applause it 
received. 

"The division consisted of about six thousand 
men, with the requisite proportion of infantry, caval- 
ry, and artillery. Although the men were not fur- 
nished with uniforms by the Government, and there 
was no compulsion by law^ for their being thus equip- 
ped, yet every non-commissioned officer and soldier 
of the division appeared, at their own expense, in 
complete cloth uniform, and every way equipped for 
active service. 

" The annual reviews were visited by the public 
officers of the State, and vast numbers of citizens, 
not only from every part of the Commonwealth, but 
from the neighbouring States. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 263 

" The high commendation which both officers and 
soldiers received from the Commander-in-chief, and 
from all ranks and classes of their fellow-citizens, 
gratified their ambition and rewarded their exertions. 

" in this division, amidst the rage of parties, 
there was but one poHtical sentiment : the defence of 
the country against any of its enemies, and the sup- 
port of the Constitution under any administration 
chosen by the people. I considered it of the highest 
importance to inspire the officers and soldiers with 
these sentiments ; and that military discipline without 
them, would be worse than useless. As an evidence 
of this fact, I will close these remarks by the follow- 
ing unanimous address of one brigade of the division, 
to the President of the United States, then being at 
his residence at Quincy, and that part of his answer 
which relates to the division. It must be observed 
that this took place when the political opinions of a 
large majority of the country to which the division 
belonged, were in direct opposition to those of Pres- 
ident Adams." 

To John Adams, President of the United States of America : — 

Sir — In reviewing the history of our country, 
and comparing it with the convulsed state of Europe, 
we find the strongest reasons to rejoice in the local 
destination assigned us by Providence. We feel a 
pride in the name and character of Americans. It is 
our glory to be the descendants of ancestors who 
purchased freedom and independence by their wisdom 
and valour ; and some of whom, on this spot,* ex- 

* Lexington, Massachusetts. 



2G4 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

hibited to the world an example of the unconquerable 
spirit of freemen. May we be inspired with firmness 
to imitate their virtues, and maintain the inheritance 
purchased by their valour. It is impossible sufficient- 
ly to estimate the Government under which we live. 
It has been established by our consent, and adminis- 
tered by our choice. We ought to make it the pole- 
star of our conduct, and it will prove the ark of our 
safety. It claims our reverence, and demands our 
support. With the keenest sensibility we feel the 
insults it has experienced, and as American soldiers, 
in the presence of our standard, we here solemnly 
declare, that we will ever be ready to be the guar- 
dians of its rights and the avengers of its wrongs. 

And having sworn, when we accepted our com- 
mission, to defend the Constitution of the United 
States, we now, on this memorable ground, renew 
to you, sir, and our country, the sacred oath. 

We offer to you, agreeably to act of Congress, 
our individual services, and pledge our lives and all 
that is dear to us, for the support of the Government 
and the defence of the Country. 

That you may long live an ornament to the land 
which gave you birth, and a blessing to the world, is 
our sincere wish. 

We are, in behalf of the officers of the first brigade 
and third division of the militia of Massachusetts, 
Your most obedient servants, 

William Hull, Major-General. 
J. Walker, Brigadier-General. 

-Lexington, Massachusetts, October 2, 1798. 



LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 265 

To the Officers of the First Brigade of the Third Division of the Mi- 
litia of Massachusells : — 

Gentlemen — 1 have received from Major Gene- 
ral Hull and Brigadier-General Walker, jour unani- 
mous address from Lexington, animated with a martial 
spirit, and expressed with a military dignity, becom- 
ing your character and the memorable plains on which 
it was adopted. 

An address so animated, and from the officers 
commanding two thousand eight hundred men, com- 
posed of such substantial citizens as are able and 
willing, at their own expense, completely to arm and 
clothe themselves in handsome uniform, does honour 
to that division of the militia, which has done so 
much honour to their country. 

While our country remains untainted with the 
principles and manners which are now producing 
desolation in so many parts of the world ; while she 
continues sincere, and incapable of insidious and im- 
pious policy, we shall have the strongest reason to 
rejoice in the local destination assigned us by Provi- 
dence. But should the people of America once be- 
come capable of that deep simulation towards one 
another, and towards foreign nations, which assumes 
the language of justice and moderation, while it is 
practising iniquity and extravagance, and displays in 
the most captivating manner the charming pictures 
of candour, frankness, and sincerity, while it is riot- 
ing in rapine and insolence, this country will be the 
most miserable habitation in the world. Because 
we have no government, armed with power, capable 



266 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 

of contending with human passions, unbridled by 
morality and religion. 

Avarice, ambition, revenge and licentiousness would 
break the strongest cords of our Constitution, as a 
whale goes through a net. Our Constitution was 
made only for a moral and religious people. It is 
wholly inadequate to the government of any other. 

Oaths in this country are as yet universally con- 
sidered as sacred obligations. That which you have 
taken, and so solemnly repeated on that venerable 
ground, is an ample pledge of your sincerity and de- 
votion to your country and its government. 

(Signed) John Adams. 

Quincy, 11th October, 1798, 

In 1805, General Hull was appointed by Con- 
gress, Governor of the Michigan Territory. The 
term of service was for three years. He was re-ap- 
pointed two successive terms by his Government to 
this office, the duties of which he performed. 



APPENDIX. 



I. 

Colonel Hull's conversation with Governor Simcoe, respect- 
ing Washington s escape from Cornwallis, at Trenton, 
New Jersey. 

In the year 1793, I was employed by the Gov- 
ernment of the United States, to hold treaties with 
the Indians, and at that time became acquainted with 
General Simcoe, who was Governor of the Province 
of Upper Canada. At his table, in the presence of 
a number of British officers, the subject of the Revo- 
lutionary War was introduced. General Simcoe was 
a Lieutenant-Colonel at the time referred to. He 
commanded a partisan corps, and was with Lord 
Cornwallis at Trenton. I stated the situation of the 
American army at that time ; described the position 
we had taken, and our full expectation of being im- 
mediately attacked ; that in such case, we had no 
alternative but to risk a general battle or retreat down 
the river to Burlington. If the latter had been adopt- 
ed, the enemy being in the best possible situation for 
pursuit, it is probable that we should have been over- 
taken and forced into an engagement. On the other 



268 APPENDIX. 

hand, if we had been compelled to meet the enemy 
in a general battle in the first instance, the superior- 
ity of their numbers would have given them such 
advantages as almost to have insured a victory, which 
would have nearly annihilated our army. 

The conversation seemed very interesting to the 
young British officers, who were present, and had not 
been actors in the scenes described, and in which 
both General Simcoe and myself were personally en- 
gaged. The feelings of the Governor were aroused 
by past recollections, and with much animation, ris- 
ing from his chair, replied, that as soon as the Amer- 
ican army retreated and took position on the south 
side of the Assanpink, and the British army came 
into possession of the principal part of the town, and 
the grounds on the north side of the creek, he in- 
quired of Lord Cornwallis, whether it was not his 
intention immediately to make a general attack. 

His Lordship answered, that he should not; 
that his troops were fatigued by a long march ; that 
he wished to give them all the comforts he could 
that night, and should defer until morning any fur- 
ther operations. 

Governor Simcoe remarked, that there was then 
more than an hour of daylight ; that by crossing the 
creek high up on General Washington's right, he 
might force him to a general action, and the event 
would probably put a close to the war. 

In answer to this, it was urged, that the Amer- 
ican army could not pass the Delaware, and he should 
be sure of it in the morning. 

Simcoe closed by remarking to Lord Cornwallis, 



APPENDIX. 269 

that in some way Washington would escape from 
him ; and that his only chance of a victory, was to 
make the attack that evening. 

"Thus," observed the Governor, " was lost an op- 
portunity of putting an end to the war, in which case 
both countries would now have been happy, in form- 
ing one great and powerful nation." 

Governor Simcoe was an officer of high distinc- 
tion in the British army. He was Governor of Up- 
per Canada, and was afterwards appointed Governor- 
general in the East Indies. He died, when on the 
point of embarking for that important command. 



II. 

Letter from the Honourable Horace Binney, of Philadel- 
phia, to a daughter of General William Hull. 

Washington, D. C, January, 1835. 

My Dear Madam, — I need not dissemble the 
pleasure it would give me, if it were in my power to 
supply you with any facts, that would assist your fa- 
ther's family in their contribution to the biographical 
work, of which you do me the favour to write. My 
boyish and youthful recollections of him are so agree- 
able, and my impressions at a later day so strong, of 
the injustice done to him, in a principal event of his 
life, that it will give me a very high degree of satis- 
faction, to see his actions and character described as 
I have always thought they deserved to be. 



270 



APPENDIX. 



Personally, however, you will be aware, that 1 
know little that can enter into such a work, when I 
bring to your recollection, that I removed from his 
vicinity upon leaving College, at the time when the 
great political parties of our country first took a deci- 
ded shape, and that for several years, with occasional 
exceptions of a short visit to Watertown, I saw little 
of him, and thought much less of political movements 
and changes then in progress, than of acquiring the 
profession by which 1 was to live. It is possible, 
that on my return to Philadelphia, I may have my 
recollection refreshed by a recurrence to letters and 
other papers which I have there, and I will imme- 
diately communicate any thing which they may fur- 
nish. 

There is one anecdote of his military life in the 
Revolution, which the late Dr. Rush told me at the 
time when the intelligence of the surrender of De- 
troit first reached our city, that I will give you, as 
soon as by reference to my papers it can be given 
with accuracy. It recorded an effort on his part, 
made under circumstances in which a generous mind 
alone would have thought of making it, to stem the 
current of prejudice, then setting against a gallant 
though unfortunate officer, the late General St. Clair, 
after the defeat of Ticonderoga. 

You may perceive that Dr. Rush repeated it in 
sympathy with the then similar situation of your 
father. 

I beg to be assured of the respect and friendship 
of, dear madam, yours truly, 

HORACE BINNEY. 

Mrs. Campbell. 



APPENDIX. 271 

Honourable Horace Binney to a daughter of General Hull. 

Philadelphia, April 10th, 1835. 

My Dear Madam, — It is with unfeigned regret 
that I do not find among my papers a memorandum 
of the anecdote communicated to me by Dr. Rush in 
regard to your father, General Hull ; and without such 
a guide, 1 cannot so repeat it as to make it fit for 
introduction into an authentic account of his life. 
The substance was this : 

Your father, I understood, was with General St. 
Clair at Ticonderoga. The evacuation of that post 
by General St. Clair, upon the approach of General 
Burgoyne, was the occasion of almost universal sur- 
prise to the country, and of bitter reproaches against 
General St. Clair. The feeling extended even to 
General Washington, as his letters now disclose^ 
though his great prudence prevented him from impart- 
ing it to any, but persons worthy of confidence. The 
excitement, I learned from Dr. Rush, was greater than 
in the affair of Detroit. 

It was as the army under St. Clair's command 
was retiring, that General Hull was seen, during a 
halt, writing a note or letter on the stump of a tree ; 
and being asked by a friend upon what he was em- 
ployed, he replied : " I am writing a paragraph for a 
newspaper, to arrest the progress of unfounded cen- 
sure already begun, against a brave officer who has 
done his duty, and to whom the resources placed at his 
disposition by the country, and the character of the 
works he had to defend, left no alternative but to 
retire. I cannot be happy until I have contributed 



272 APPENDIX. 

my mite, to defend and save the honour of a brave 
and accomplished officer, who has been unable to do 
what his country wished, and thought without reason 
that he had the means of effecting." 

This was the substance of Dr. Rush's communica- 
tion. It may be interesting to you to hear of it, as 
it was to me, particularly from the coincidence be- 
tween your father's situation and that of General St. 
Clair, and the beauty of such an incident in the life 
of one who was doomed to experience the injustice 
which he laboured to avert from his commander. 
I am, dear madam, your faithful friend, 

HORACE BINNEY. 

Mks. Campbell. 



Letter from the Honourable Horace Binneij to a daughter 
of General William Hull. 

Philadelphia, Feb. 27th, 1844. 

My Dear Mrs. Campbell, — I have received 
your letter of the 23d February, and the newspaper 
containing Mr. Clarke's animadversions upon Mr. 
Rush's letter in favour of General Cass. Consider- 
ing what the main topic of that letter is, it is quite a 
coincidence, to recall to me the anecdote I had from 
his father. I recollect it more vividly than if it had 
been told me a year ago. 

I give you free permission to use the extracts 
from my two letters of January and April, 1835. It 
appears to be extracted from one only, and not hav- 
ing kept copies, I am unable to inform myself. 

With Mrs. Binney's regards, and my compli- 



APPENDIX. 273 

ments to Mr. Campbell, 1 remain, my dear Mrs. 
Campbell, very respectfully and sincerely, yours, 

HOR. BINNEY. 

Mes. Maria Campbell. 

From the Connecticut Courant (Hartfortl), July 28, 1777. 

Extract of a letter from an officer of distinction in the 
Northern Ar?mj, dated July 17, 1777, at Moses' Creek 
(about four miles from Fort Edward, on the Hudson, 
fifty miles north of Albany). 

" The retreat from Ticonderoga will be a matter 
of speculation in the country, and the accounts differ- 
ent and confused. A true state of facts will, there- 
fore, be very satisfactory, without doubt. 

" We were deceived with respect to the strength 
of the enemy and our own reinforcements : the ene- 
my have practised a piece of finesse which has too 
well answered their purpose ; they have so conducted, 
that all hands in the United States believed they had 
drawn their forces from Canada to the southward, 
and designed only to garrison their posts in the north- 
ern world. The consequence of this belief has been, 
the ordering of eight regiments, destined for Ticon- 
deroga and its environs, to Peekskill ; and little at- 
tention has been paid to this department. The ene- 
my's condition in Canada has been represented as 
miserable, confused, scattered, and sickly. This has 
been the general opinion in camp and country, and 
our situation has been thought perfectly safe. Our 
force consisted of about 4000, including the corps of 
artillery and artificers, who were not armed ; a con- 
siderable part of which were militia. We could bring 
about 3000 fit for duty into the field. 

18 



274 APPENDIX. 

" General Burgoyne came against us with about 
8000 healthy, spirited troops ; with a lake force, con- 
sisting of three fifty-gun ships; a thunderer, mount- 
ing eighteen brass twenty-four pounders, two thirteen- 
inch mortars, a number of howitzers, several sloops, 
gun-boats, &c. Their strength being so very supe- 
rior to ours, obliged us to tamely sit still, and see them 
erect batteries all around us, without hazarding a 
sally. Two batteries were erected in front of our 
lines, on higher ground than ours. Within half a 
mile on our left, they had taken post, on a very high 
hill, overlooking all our works. Our right would have 
been commanded by their shipping and batteries they 
had erected on the other side of the lake, so that 
our lines at Ticonderoga would have been of no ser- 
vice, and we must have inevitably abandoned them 
in a few days, after their batteries opened, which 
would have been the next morning. We then should 
have been necessitated to retire to Fort Indepen- 
dence, the consequence of which, I conceive, would 
have been much worse than the mode adopted ; for, 
the moment we had left Ticonderoga, they could sail 
their shipping by us, and prevent our communication 
with Skeensborough ; then the only avenue to and 
from Fort Independence would have been by a nar- 
row neck of land, leading from the Mount to the 
Grants. To this neck, they had almost cut a road ; 
a day more would have completed it. A few troops 
stationed at Ticonderoga would have prevented our 
communication with Lake George, as our own works 
would have been against us. Their shipping would 
have destroyed our connexion with Skeensborough, 



APPENDIX. 



276 



and their main body might have been placed on this 
neck of land, which, b_y a fcAV works might have pre- 
vented all supplies and reinforcements. We might 
have staid at the Mount as long as our provisions 
would have supported us. We had flour for thirty 
days, and meat sufficient only for a week. Under 
these circumstances, General St. Clair on tl^e 6th in- 
stant called a council of war, and an evacuation was 
unanimously agreed upon, as the only means of sav- 
ing the army from captivity. It was necessary, also, 
that our retreat should be precipitate,- as the commu- 
nication was almost cut off, and they w^ould soon be 
apprised of our design. It was therefore determined 
to send the baggage and sick in boats to Skeensbo- 
rough, and for the army to march by land from the 
Mount to Skeensborough, being forty miles. At the 
dawn of day we left Fort Independence, and I can- 
not say the march was conducted with the greatest 
regularity. 

" The front, which was the main body, marched 
thirty miles to a place called Castle-town, about 
twelve miles from Skeensborough ; the militia halted 
three miles in rear of the front ; and the rear-guard, 
commanded by Colonel Francis, being joined by Col- 
onels Warner and Hale, halted at Hubbart-town, 
about a mile and a half in rear of the militia. As 
the march was severe, the feeble of the army had 
fallen in the rear, and tarried at Hubbart-town with 
the rear-guard. This body in the rear might consist of 
near a thousand men. Before I proceed farther, it 
ma}^ be necessary to give you the enemy's disposi- 
tions, after they were advised of our retreat. A large 



276 APPENDIX. 

bodj, at least two thousand, were detached, to pur- 
sue our main body and harass our rear. All the gun- 
boats and some of the shipping, were sent after our 
baggage, and came up with it at Skeensborough and 
took it. The ninth regiment, commanded by Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Hills, was ordered to run down South 
Bay, and land and march a by-road to Fort Ann, and 
take that before our troops could reach it. The re- 
mainder of the army went on to Skeensborough, 
except a garrison at Ticonderoga. The body of the 
enemy sent to harass our rear, came up with it the 
next morning at Hubbart-town, which was com- 
manded by Colonel Warner. By the exertions of the 
officers, our little army formed and gave them battle^ 
which continued about twenty-five minutes, very se- 
vere, when our party were overpowered with num- 
bers, and gave way. The loss on both sides was 
considerable ; as our people took the woods and are 
daily coming in, it is impossible to ascertain our loss. 
Colonel Francis, a worthy and brave officer, after 
signalizing himself, was shot through and expired 
instantly. Colonel Hale is missing. It is natural to 
ask, Why was not Colonel Warner reinforced ? Let 
me tell you. Orders were sent to Colonel ****** 
who commanded the militia, to go to the assistance 
of the rear-guard, but before they arrived the action 
was over and our people dispersed. Our main body 
being now twelve miles from Skeensborough, and 
hearing that a large body of the enemy had arrived 
there, and knowing that a large body was in our 
rear, the General imagined, if we pursued our route, 
that we must engage both in front and rear, under 



APPENDIX. 



277 



great disadvantage ; and to pursue his plan in first re- 
treating, which was to save the army, he thought it 
prudent to file off to the left, and before we reached 
Hudson river, we marched 150 miles. In this march 
we picked up about thirty prisoners, part British, 
part Waldeckers, and part Canadians. The party of 
our men who were at Skeensborough, retreated to 
Fort Ann, They were twice attacked by the ninth 
regiment, and both times repulsed them. They took 
a Captain Montgomery and a Doctor, and would pro- 
bably have taken the whole regiment, had their 
ammunition held out. This is a candid state of facts, 
and for this conduct we are told our country calls us 
either knaves or cowards. I conceive they ought to 
be grateful to our General ; for had we staid, we 
very certainly should have been taken ; and then no 
troops to have stood between the enemy and the 
country. Our affairs now are not desperate in this 
quarter, as they certainly would have been. We 
have d(;stroyed Fort George and its appendages, and 
shall soon be able, I hope, to make head against our 
enemies, as we are gathering strength and re-collect- 
ing ourselves." 



III. 

Head-Quarters, Peekskill, March 11, 1779. 

Sir — I received last night a letter of yours, 
without date. It is my intention, when Lieutenant- 
Colonel Burr leaves the lines, you are to command, 



278 



APPENDIX. 



and to remain there as long as the duties of your 
office of Inspector will permit, with all the 
power with which Colonel Burr was invested. 
These I wish you to exercise in their full extent. 
Previous to his leaving you, I beg him and you to 
digest in order all those directions I gave him, and 
what has appeared to him necessary to answer the 
objects of his command, which I desire may be ob- 
served by you, till I can revise them, if that should 
be found necessary. 

1 am, sir, your humble servant, 

ALEX. McDOUGALL. 

To Major Hull, at the Lines. 

u lYarrant to Major Hull, commanding on the Lines, 

" Whereas a certain act of the People, Senate 
and Assembly of the State of New-York, entitled 
An Act for the regulating Impresses of Teams, &c., 
in the said State, passed the second of April in the 
year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and 
seventy-nine, cannot be put in execution on and 
along the American lines in the County of West 
Chester, through the inability of the civil officers to 
execute the same ; and whereas also the public ser- 
vice does require immediately, that a number of Teams 
be employed on and along the Lines aforesaid, and 
the impossibility of obtaining the Impressure of 
Teams as aforesaid, pursuant to the said Law is Im- 
practicable. These are therefore to authorize and 
Impower you to Impress so many Teams from Time 
to Time as the Publick shall demand of and from 
Disaffected Persons, if so many Teams can be pro- 



APPENDIX. 279 

cured from them, otherwise from the other Inhabi- 
tants also (they being also to be included) as far 
North, on an East and West Line, as to the North 
Castle Church. And you are to give the Owner or 
Owners of such Teams a Certificate, specifying the 
Time of Service, and to direct him or them to call 
for the Discharge of the same. You are to see that 
the Owners and Teams be well used, and to make the 
Service as easy as possibly you can, by calling for the 
Teams on the owners in rotation. Given under my 
Hand and Seal this Twenty-Eighth day of March, In 
the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and 
seventy-nine. Done at Head-Quarters, Peekskill. 

" ALEX. McDOUGALL, M. General. 

" To Major Hull, or the Officer commanding on the Lines ) 
in the County of West Chester, for the time behig." ( 

General McDougaUs Reply to Major Hull, in reference to 
the subject of Justice Sherwood's letter respecting im- 
pressment, SfC. 

Head-quarters, Peekskill, April 13, 1779. 

Sir — When I wrote you on yesterday, your favour 
of the 7th was overlooked in my drawers. 

I approve your conduct in ordering the horses 
stolen to be returned to the well affected, on salvage. 
This will endear the army to the distressed inhab- 
itants. 

As to your intended position, I own I am not clear 
on its expediency, especially if the troops on your 
left do not advance. If a superior force to your 
command should surround the houses of your ad- 
vanced pickets, they will be lost. However, if your 
intelligence is good and frequent, I have no objection 



280 APPENDIX. 

to your taking it. In a little time you can change 
your position so frequent in barns, that it will be 
extremely difficult, with alertness, for the enemy to 
surprise you, or any of your parties. 

The Carolina Infantry I intended to relieve. One 
of Nixon's parties, and one from Poor's is ordered to- 
day to relieve the other from that brigade. These 
reliefs are designed to facilitate a review of Nixon's 
brigade, so that I desire every officer and man from it 
may be sent up, when Poor's detachment reaches you. 
I shall do every thing in my power for the exchange 
of the citizens in the hands of the enemy. 

I am, in haste, your humble servant, 

ALEX. McDOUGALL. 
To Major Hull, Commamling on the Lines. 



West Point, April 19, 1779. 

Dear Sir — I received your favour enclosing some 
York papers, for which I return you my hearty thanks. 
Agreeable to General McDougall's order, received last 
evening, send you Captain Drew, who I think is an 
officer calculated for an advanced corps. Also send a 
sub. from General Patterson's brigade, to relieve 
Lieutenant Morton, of the first Massachusetts regi- 
ment, as the company he belongs to is destitute of an 
officer. Colonel Bailey desires that Lieutenant Hay- 
wood would stay for the present, there being now an 
officer to that company. 

Your transmitting to this garrison the York papers 
when there is an opportunity, will much oblige, sir, 

Your humble servant, 

L. BAILEY. 

Major Hull, Commanding on the Lines. 



APPENDIX. 



281 



West Chester County, 
SiNG Sing, April 28th, 1779. 

Agreeable to the law and acts of the Legislature, 
in the State of New- York, for the impressment of 
any teams, horses, carriages, or drivers, are not to be 
made on any pretence whatever, without the leave of 
the law of this State; and as perpetual complaints 
are made from time to time, of unlawful taking of 
teams and horses, contrary to the law, I do therefore 
desire these or such unlawful practices may be stopped; 
and as they have an evil tendency to subverting good 
order, I am in the next place to desire, that your Ho- 
nour will be pleased for to return the horses taken 
from Jacob Rider and Robert McCord ; I ask this on 
account that these horses and teams of Rider and 
McCord have served at the bridge and in carting 
forage to that part of the army, and as the season of 
the year is come that something must be carried on 
in the field, and the team of McCord is taken from 
the plough, and the team of Rider, to my knowledge, 
was going to Fishkill for to carry something to his 
son, and inasmuch as these teams have not been 
granted at anytime from the service, I ask the return 
of these horses, and desire for the future your Honour 
will be pleased to take the steps of the law, whenever 
there shall be occasion for an impress of horses, 
teams, or drivers, which will afford the same supplies 
and stop the clamour of the people, and create good 
order and do honour to ourselves and country. 
I am, sir, in all respects, 

Your very humble servant, 

SOLOMON SHERWOOD, Esq. 

Justice of the Peace. 
To Major Hull, on the Lines. 



282 APPENDIX. 

Head-quarters, Peekskill, Fob. 29, 1779. 

Sir — Your three favours of the 27th inst., and 
one of 28tli, have been received. I am sorry to hear 
of Djkeman's ilhiess — hope he will soon recover. I 
approve vour plan of altering jour position in the 
manner you mention on the 27th. You need not 
send up the express every day, unless you have advi- 
ces of the enemy's movement, either by land or by 
water, on the river, or some very important intelli- 
gence. Colonel Greaton's regiment will be sent down 
to cover your left as soon as it can be got ready. In 
the mean time, cover the country as well as you can. 
Your letter to the Commander-in-chief shall be for- 
warded with the other papers. 

Your humble servant, 

ALEX. McDOUGALL. 

Major Hull, Commanding on the Lines. 

Head-Quarters, Peekskill, April 30, 1779. 

Sir — Colonel Greaton's regiment will march from 
Crompond to-morrow, for the Purchase. I wish you 
to consult and arrange with the commanding officer 
as to the best mode of covering the country. Let him 
have half of your guides and horsemen, best acquaint- 
ed in that quarter. That regiment, or any other 
which may relieve it, is to retire by forced marches to 
these posts, whenever the commanding officer shall 
be advised from you, of the enemy appearing in force 
on the North river. You will therefore please to 
give him information when that event happens. 

When Colonel Lorin is settled and fixed in his 
position, send up the detachment from Poor's brigade, 
as they are to march from hence the eighth of next 



APPENDIX. 283 

month. I have directed Colonel Bailey to send you 
as many of the light infantry as can be well shod, to 
relieve the like number of Patterson's and Learned's 
with you. 

I am, sir, your humble servant, 

ALEX. McDOUGALL. 

Major Hull, Commanding on the Lines. 

Head-Quarters, Peekskill, May 22, 1779. 

Sir — I duly received your two favours of yesterday. 
I think it very probable the enemy intend an attack on 
your parties, or a movement out in pursuit of stock. 
If it is the former, he will make a disposition to at- 
tack both, at the same time, and at night or very 
early in the morning. I wish you, therefore, to 
advise Major Oliver of the enemy's movements, 
and desire him to be very alert. I need not repeat the 
necessity of having things in train for a quick move- 
ment. If the enemy move in such force, as that you 
have reason to conclude he has a greater object in 
view than that I have mentioned, it will therefore be 
expedient that the whole command on the lines, ex- 
cept the mihtia parties, retire in such manner as will 
give the enemy every prudent opposition in the route 
to join their corps. The inhabitants should be ad- 
vised of the position of the enemy, to be prepared to 
remove their cattle. When the enemy is in motion, 
drop a line of advice, if you can, to General Nixon, 
and keep me advised every day, till further orders. 
I am, sir, your humble servant, 

ALEX. McDOUGALL. 

Major Hull, Commanding' on the Lines. 



284 APPENDIX. 

Letter from John Nixon, B. G., to Major Hull, Com- 
7nanding on the Lines. 

CoLLABURG, May 22, 1779. 

Dear Sir — I received your favour of last even- 
ing at nine o'clock, in which you inform me of the 
approach of the enemy as far as Courtlands. I im- 
mediately forwarded your letter to General McDou- 
gall. Should be glad you would let me know by 
bearer, whether the enemy has advanced any further 
since you wrote me last evening, and if they have, 
which road, and in what direction. 

I have the honour to be, with the truest esteem. 
Sir, your very humble servant, 

JOHN NIXON, B. G. 

Major Hull, Commanding on the Lines. 



IV. 

RELATIVE TO THE ASSAULT ON MORRISSANIA. 

Extract of a letter from Mrs. Hull to one of her daughters. 

Newton, Massachusetts, April 12, 1822. 

" We have been reading the Spy, with a good 
deal of interest. It brought- to your father's recollec- 
tion the days of yore. The scenes were laid on 
ground he had often travelled over ; and that part of 
the book in relation to the Skinners, is no fiction. 
Your father has no recollection of the families the au- 
thor mentions, although he knew almost every indi- 
vidual in that part of the country, for twenty or thirty 
miles around. He commanded on the lines, be 



APPENDIX. 



285 



tween our army and the British, for three winters ; 
and a hard time he had of it, he says ; for he made it 
his constant rule, never to take off his clothes at 
night, but merely to lay down and take a nap, and 
be called at one o'clock, and mount his horse and re- 
connoitre the country till morning. 

" The author begins his history in 1781. It was 
an interesting year — it was the year we were mar- 
ried. Your father applied to General Washington 
for leave of absence : the General replied, it was ne- 
cessary for a scouring party to go down to West 
Chester ; and as he had been there, and was ac- 
quainted with the grounds, he wished him to go ; 
after that^ he would give him leave of absence till the 
opening of the spring campaign. Previous to this, 
he wrote me that he should be here early in January. 
I, not knowing of the secret expedition, nor hearing 
a word from him, a long month passed, in wonder to 
me, you may well think ; but after he had scoured 
the grounds around West Chester, and brought off 
old Tillo (whose history you have heard long ago) ; 
he came, and we were married. I returned with him 
to the army. There I met Dr. Thomas, a surgeon 
of the regiment. He congratulated me on my arri- 
val, and gave me the history of the engagement at 
Morrissania, which was a pretty warm one, he said. 
He was on the top of a hill, where he had a full view 
of the manoeiivres ; and his whole thoughts were on 
me ; and knowing that I hourly expected your father, 
and what I expected him for, he trembled at what 
might be the events of this day. 

" The closing scene of the history was affecting 



286 APPENDIX. 

to US ; it ended in Liindy's Lane, where your unfortu- 
nate brother was killed.* Thus, beginning on the 
ground where your father fought, and ending where 
your brother fell." 



V. 

TOUR TO UPPER CANADA. 

Extracts from a Journal of Colonel Hnll, while Com- 
inissioner to treat with tJte British and hold Treaties 
with the Indians. 

January 21,179^. This day 1 rode through the 
Oneida country. Here is a large Indian settlement, 
with an extensive tract of land for their use. They 
are perfectly civil and w^ell disposed towards the 
United States. They form a part of the Six Na- 
tions. They have a mill near their castle, and a 
blacksmith, who is paid by the United States; a 
schoolmaster, who constantly instructs the children, 
and a clergyman, who officiates among them. God 
grant, that the avarice of this country may never 
disturb these native proprietors, but that they may 
long live to enjoy their innocent customs, be enlight- 
ened, and made respectable and happy. 

At night arrived at Canandaigua. General Cha- 
pin, the Superintendent of Indian affairs, resides 
here. I was invited to attend a Council of about 
thirty Seneca chiefs and warriors. At ten in the 



* Captain Abraham Fuller Hull was killed in the battle of Lundy's 
Lane, in the war of 1812. 



APPENDIX. 287 

morning, the council fire being built, the chiefs and 
warriors were paraded in the most solemn order. 
One of the chiefs arose and made a long speech, 
with a belt of wampum in his hand, to which he re- 
ferred, while speaking. 

This belt, over which he had studied his matter, 
now aided to remind him of the thoughts he wished 
to communicate. General Chapin made a short re- 
ply, informed them who I was, and the nature of my 
business to Niagara; which was, he said, to make ar- 
rangements for a general peace with the hostile 
Indians. 

I then made a speech to them, to which they re- 
plied in a handsome and very interesting manner. 
They seemed much pleased, especially when I in- 
formed them that I should leave a sum of money to 
be applied to their entertainment; 

January 28. To-day 1 passed through a country 
but thinly settled ; a poor looking building perhaps 
in ten or fifteen miles met the eye. Excellent land, 
and will no doubt become a most important part of 
America. At evening arrived at a small house on 
the banks of the Cayuga Lake. 

Here 1 met Colonel Seth Reed and his son, who 
reside at Geneva, about fifteen miles from this place. 
I had dismissed my sleigh and horses procured at 
Schenectady, and was about engaging another, when 
Colonel Reed, without any solicitation on my part, 
offered me his sleigh and horses, and his son to attend 
me to Niagara. I accepted the offer. 

About twelve o'clock I commenced my journey to 
the Geneva river ; accompanied by Colonel Taylor 



288 APPENDIX. 

and Mr. Reed. Here we had arrived to the extent 
of our settlements, and between this and Niagara is 
only a small foot-path, and two Indian settlements, 
the Tonawantas and the Tuscaroras. 

February 1. This morning Colonel Taylor, Mr. 
Reed and myself, mounted our horses and rode about 
eight miles over an entire flat country. On this flat, 
near the river, is a small Indian settlement. We 
fully expected to have slept in the woods this night. 
After riding twenty miles without making a stop, we 
arrived at a good fire, which the Indians had only 
just left. Here we refreshed ourselves for about 
fifteen minutes. We then proceeded on through the 
little path, which was very deep and miry. Night 
overtook us about four miles from Tonawanta. I was 
inclined to stop, but my companions thought best to 
proceed to the village. About eight o'clock we ar- 
rived at the river opposite to the village. It was 
frozen about half over, and quite deep. We called, 
and an Indian soon came to the opposite bank. He 
could not speak English, and we could understand 
nothing he said. We finally broke away the ice and 
plunged in with our horses. The water was up to 
the saddles. The Indian guided us to his wigwam. 
It was not long before a great many of the Indians 
assembled. I spoke to them in the most friendly 
terms possible, and continued to speak until exhaust- 
ed by fatigue, I fell asleep, and did not awake until 
daylight. In this wigwam there were as many as 
fifty bushels of corn, and a considerable quantity of 
wild meat. The corn was hung upon poles, and the 
meat upon strings. Before I left, I gave them money 



APPENDIX. 289 

enough to make the whole village happy. I told 
them to drink the health of Honontagalios, ,the In- 
dian name of General Washington. I told them we 
were going to make peace with all the nations, and 
that they must not suffer any of their warriors to 
join the hostile nations. They appeared to be very 
happy and very thankful. 

" Feb. 2. — At sunrise began our journey ; took 
some of these Indians as our guides, and in the eve- 
ning arrived at the Tuscarora village, ten miles from 
Niagara. Here the Indians assembled to meet me. 
1 had a talk with them, and said every thing in my 
power to convince them of the friendship of the Uni- 
ted States. 

" I told them we wished for peace, and should 
have it ; and they must not suffer their people to 
join the nations who were carrying on war with the 
United States. I urged upon them the importance 
of all the chiefs going to the Sandusky Treaty. When 
I took leave, I gave them money, and told them to 
drink the health of their Father and friend^ General 
Washington." 

Colonel Hull gives a description of the Falls of 
Niagara ; of his reception by Governor Simcoe ; of 
the company assembled to meet him ; of the rare ac- 
complishments of Mrs. Simcoe ; her exquisite draw- 
ings ; her maps like copper-plate. He says : 

" Indeed, she sustains a most excellent character, 
and the Governor seems to be the idol of the people." 
After dinner. Colonel Hull retired with the Governor, 
to converse on the subject of his mission. 

He continues : " On my account the Governor 
19 



290 APPENDIX. 

ordered supper in his canvas-house, which he brought 
from Europe. It was joined to his dwelling-house. 
It is a room twenty-two feet by fifteen, with a floor, 
windows, and doors, and warmed with a stove. It 
is papered and painted, and you would suppose you 
were in a common house. The floor is the case for 
the whole of the room. It is quite a curiosity. 
About eleven o'clock I was conducted to my chamber. 
Perceiving me so much pleased with the canvas-house, 
the Governor ordered breakfast in it. After break- 
fast, I had another long conversation with him re- 
specting the business of my mission." 



THE CAMPAIGN OE 1812, 



SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT 



HISTORY 



OF THE 



CAMPAIGI or 1812 



AND 



SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 



BY 



JAMES FREEMAN CLARKE, 



/ 



NEW-YORK: 

D.APPLETON & CO., 200 BROADWAY. 

PHILADEDPHIA : 
GEO. S. APPLETON, 148 CHESNUT- STREET 

M DCCC XLVin. 



PREFACE. 



The preceding portion of this volume contains 
the history of General Hull's Revolutionary services 
and civil life from 1775 to 1805. This, which was 
mostly written by himself, was prepared for the press 
by his daughter, Mrs. Maria Campbell, wife of Ed- 
ward F. Campbell, Esq., of Augusta, Georgia. It 
was a favourite and cherished object of this lady to 
erect this monument to the memory of her father, 
and her life was spared by a kind Providence just 
long enough to enable her to complete it. Amid 
painful sickness and the languor of disease, she la- 
boured diligently until it was finished. This labour 
of love seemed to sustain her failing strength, and 
when she reached its termination she could say, 
« Lord, let me now depart," and the daughter passed 
into the spirit-land, to meet the parent whom she had 
so tenderly loved. 

But another labour yet remains to be performed. 
Mrs. Campbell did not attempt the history of the 
Campaign of 1812, and Surrender of Detroit; for 
though well qualified to write it, from an acquaint- 
ance with all the facts and arguments which justify, 
to any unprejudiced mind, the surrender of Detroit ; 



296 > PREFACE. 

and though deeply convinced that her father deserved 
praise, and not blame, for his share in this transaction, 
yet she shrank from a work which she feared might 
involve her in angry controversy, and prevent the 
simple narration of her father's Revolutionary labours 
from being appreciated. She left to another hand, 
and another time, this part of the work. 

Still it has been thought best that the account of 
General Hull's Revolutionary services should be 
accompanied with at least a brief statement of the 
facts and reasons which refute the charges so long 
ignorantly brought against the memory of this much 
injured servant of his country. 

This task has been committed to the present 
writer, who, with no qualifications except a strong 
conviction of the justice of the cause he advocates, 
founded on careful study and examination, joined 
with an earnest wish to be candid and conscientious, 
has undertaken the work. He is indeed about to 
defend a grandfather, and one whom he remembers 
with mingled feelings of affection and respect. From 
his earliest childhood he recalls the image of a vener- 
able white-haired old man, living in the midst of his 
children and grandchildren ; employing in the peace- 
ful pursuit of agriculture the last years of a life, the 
first part of which had been spent in public employ- 
ment and honours. All outward disgraces seemed to 
have fallen upon his head, yet all were borne with 
cheerful equanimity. A soldier, he had been branded 
as a coward ; a patriot, he was esteemed a traitor ; 
loving the approbation of his fellow-men, he was an 



PREFACE. 297 

object of universal censure ; naturally fond of public 
life, and ambitious of public usefulness, he was under 
a sentence of irrevocable ostracism. But hovi^ cheer- 
ful, how happy were these declining years of his life. 
Happy in his affections, in the love of relatives, in 
the esteem of wise friends, in the inward conscious- 
ness of having done right, to him it might be said, 

" Thou hast been 
As one, in suffering all, that suffers nothing, 
A man that fortune's buffets and rewards 
Hast taken with equal thanks." 

No peevishness, no complaint, no querulous refer- 
ence to a nation's ingratitude, ever fell from his lips. 
Remembering this, I cannot but feel a strong desire 
to do full justice to his cause, yet I feel also, that if 
his spirit could now communicate to me his wishes, 
he would charge me to use no art but that of truth, 
not to overstate his side of the question, nor to under- 
state that of his opponents ; to extenuate nothing, 
and set down nothing in malice. And I shall en- 
deavour to conform to this rule and write in this 
spirit. I will not, if it can be avoided, use a harsh 
word, even toward those from whom he has received 
the most cruel injuries. He has gone where nothing 
can touch him further. His enemies still live and 
are in pursuit of public honours, and are liable to be 
injured by the exposure of their past errors. But 
this injury, I have no desire to inflict, except where 
it becomes necessary to defend General Hull's mem- 
ory, by stating the simple truth. 

After the Court Martial in 1814 had closed. Gen- 
eral Hull returned to his farm in Newton, which he 



298 PREFACE. 

had inherited through his wife, and there passed the 
last years of his life in the pursuits of agriculture. 
While the public, misguided by false rumours, was 
accusing him of having sold his country for " British 
gold," of having built a splendid palace, and having 
married his daughter to General Brock ;* he, with 
difficulty, supported his family by farming. In re- 
moving to Detroit, he had expended much of the 
small property he had previously accumulated. He had 
also paid out money of his own, for his army, while 
on its march, which was never repaid him, because 
the vouchers had been destroyed in the destruction 
of the Adams, when she was burnt by Capt. Elliott. 
But his active mind devoted itself to experiments in 
practical agriculture, many of which he communi- 
cated to the magazines devoted to that science. So 
passed his years until the time arrived when the 
clouds which rested on his fame, were partially dis- 
persed, and his setting sun shone forth for a brief 
space in a serene sky. 

In the year 1824, General Hull published a se- 
ries of letters in defence of his conduct during the 
campaign of 1812. These letters, first printed in the 
" American Statesman," a Boston newspaper, and 
copied into many other papers, of both political par- 
ties, and afterwards reprinted in a collected form, ex- 
ercised great influence on the public mind, wherever 
they were read. The North American Review, in a 
notice of these letters, understood to have been writ- 
ten by Jared Sparks, said, " that from the public 

* Such reports have been widely circulated. 



PREFACE. 



299 



documents collected and published in them, the con- 
clusion must unequivocally be drawn, that General 
Hull was required by the Government to do, what it 
was morally and physically impossible that he should 
do."* Many other periodicals throughout the Union 
expressed the same opinion. 

A public dinner was given in Boston to General 
Hull, by citizens of both political parties. He also 
received very gratifying letters from various quarters, 
particularly from old companions of the Revolution- 
ary army, expressing their pleasure at his having vin- 
dicated so completely his conduct and his character.f 

General Hull did not live long after these events. 
He, however, had the pleasure of meeting Lafay- 
ette, in 1825, who paid him a visit, when in Boston 
during that year. He was present at the celebration 
of the Battle of Bunker Hill, and afterwards visited 
his mother in his native town of Derby, in Connec- 
ticut, the citizens of which gave him a public dinner. 
Returning home, he was attacked by a disease which 
soon proved mortal. On his death-bed he declared, 
in the most solemn manner, his conviction that he 
had done right in surrendering Detroit, and expressed 
his happiness that he had thus saved the lives of the 
peaceful citizens of Michigan from being needlessly 
sacrificed. He died in Nov. 1825, in the 73d year of 
his age. 

It was not, however, to be expected, that a preju- 
dice so deeply rooted and widely spread, as that 
which held General Hull to be a coward or a traitor, 

* See Appendix, Note 1 . f See Appendix for some of these 

letters. 



300 PREFACE. 

would be immediately overcome. Men love their 
prejudices too well — they hug them to their hearts, 
as their dearest treasures. General Hull had been 
made the scape-goat for the sins committed by the 
Administration and war party, in precipitating hostil- 
ities before the country was prepared for them, and 
for the faults of those who ought to have aided him, 
and co-operated with him. To admit that General 
Hull was an injured man, was, with many persons, 
to admit that they themselves had committed great 
errors or faults. Few are capable of a magnanimity 
like this. Accordingly the old charges continue to be 
repeated in various shapes, though all respectable 
writers have abandoned the worst accusations. Few 
are yet able to rise to the platform of impartial his- 
tory, and say with Mr. Sparks, that under the cir- 
cumstances in which General Hull was placed, there 
was no possibility of his effecting what was required 
of him. Yet we find now a very general ad- 
mission, that others were, at least, as much to blame 
as he, for the failure of the Canada campaign. 

Thus General Armstrong, one of the most bitter 
and vindictive assailants of the character of General 
Hull, is obliged to admit, that the Administration was 
in error, in not acquiring previous knowledge of the 
forces to be encountered in Canada ; in not recalling 
the garrisons of the remote and indefensible posts ; 
in not transmitting to General Hull information of 
the declaration of war, until long after the British in 
Canada had knowledge of it ; in not following General 
Hull's repeated and urgent suggestions, that a fleet 



PREFACE. 



301 



be constructed on Lake Erie and a large co-operating 
force assembled at Niagara ; and finally, in not furnish- 
ing a sufficient number of troops to General Hull, 
to accomplish the objects of his expedition.* 

Recent writers, therefore, who have written on 
the history of the last war, or had occasion to refer to 
its events, while they have been obliged to admit 
that the main cause of the failure of the invasion of 
Canada and the surrender of Detroit, was to be found 
in the unprepared state of the country, the errors of 
the Administration, and the absence of an American 
fleet on Lake Erie, have nevertheless continued to 
accuse General Hull of military faults, in a greater or 
less degree. Some ignorantly repeat the sweep- 
ing and contradictory charges of treason and cow- 
ardice. One writer speaks of " the surrender of a 
large force with the important post of Detroit by 
General Hull, under circumstances which made it al- 
most certain^ that he had been purchased by the Brit- 
ish.^^j- — This sentence is in a biography published 
only four years ago, when the writer possessed every 
opportunity of knowing that there was not the shadow 
of evidence to be found in support of such an accu- 
sation. Loose charges of this kind are so often 
made, that they have their effect on public opinion. 
The errors of one writer are copied by another, and 

* Armstrong's "Notices of the of Infantry, how different v/ould 

War of 1812," Vol. I., pp. 46-51 : have been the issue of the cam- 

" Had the Government invited Gov- paign !" 

ernor Shelby of Kentucky or Gov- f From a Memoir of Henry Clay, 
emor Meigs of Ohio, to follow in prefixed to Clay's Life and Speech- 
Hull's track, with two thousand es. Greeley & McElrath, 1843, 
gun-men and Winchester's Brigade p. 71. 



302 PREFACE. 

even the writers of history, instead of recurring to 
the original sources, are accustomed to repeat, without 
examination, what is asserted by previous writers of 
no authority. It is to be hoped that the present 
work will correct some of these popular impressions. 
The sources from which I derive the facts and state- 
ments herein contained, are as follows : 

Certified copies of public documents, referring to 
the campaign of 1812, from the office of the Adju- 
tant-General at Washington. Forbes' Report of the 
Trial of General Hull, by a Court Martial at Albany, 
containing the testimony of the witnesses on that 
trial. Hull's Memoirs of the Campaign of the North- 
western Army, collected and published, Boston, 1824. 
Life and Correspondence of Major-General Sir Isaac 
Brock, London, 1845. Dawson's Life of Harrison. 
Lanman's History of Michigan. Histories of the 
War of 1812, by McAffee, Ingersoll, James, &c. 
Christie's War in Canada. Armstrong's Notices. 
Private papers, files of letters, &c., left by General 
Hull, and referring to his administration while Gov- 
ernor of the Territory of Michigan. 

The Appendix will contain some documents and 
letters, illustrating the history of the campaign of 
1812. 



COINTENTS. 



Preface 295 

CHAPTER I. 

William Hull appointed Goveknor of Michigan. — Events of his Ad- 
ministration. — Indian Settlements in Michigan. — Treaties with 
the Indians. — Troubles 305 

CHAPTER II. 

War of 1812. — Governor Hull appointed Brigadier-General to 
lead the Troops from Ohio to Detroit. — March to Detroit. — 
Invasion of Canada. — Fall of Michilimackinac, and subsequent 
events 325 

CHAPTER m. 

Situation of General Hull — Brock's arrival at Malden. — Sur- 
render OF Detroit. — Its Reasons. — State of Communications, 
Troops, Provisions, &c. 360 

CHAPTER IV. 

The Court Martial. — How constituted, and its Character. — Its De- 
cision AND Sentence. — Conclusion 396 

APPENDIX. 

Note 1 . — Extract from a notice of General Hull's " Memoirs of the 
Campaign of 1812," from the North American Review . . .411 

Note 2. — Memorials by General Hull, recommending a Fleet on 
Lake Erie 413 

Note 3. — Letter from the Secretary at War to General Dearborn 417 

Note 4 — General Van Rensselaer's Letter, August 19, 1812 . . 418 



304 CONTENTS. 

Note 5. — Sir George Prevost's Letter to General Brock, concerning 
the proposed armistice 418 

Note 6. — Extract from Ingersoll's History of the War of 1812 . 419 

Note 7. — Letter from the Secretary of War to General Dearborn 421 

Note 8. — Miller's Testimony ®n the Court Martial . . 421 

Notes 9, 10, 11, 12. — Testimony of Witnesses on the Court Mar- 
tial 421 

Note 13 — Extract from General Hull's " Memoirs of the Campaign 
OF 1812," upon the Constitution of the Court Martial . . 423 

Note 14. — Letters from Revolutionary Officers and others, testify- 
ing TO General Hull's Character ...... 425 

Note 15. — Letter from Robert Wallace, giving his Recollections of 

THE SlTIRENDER OF DeTROIT, PUBLISHED IN KENTUCKY, IN 1842 . . 443 

Note 16. — Letter from a gentleman of Pennsylvania,' describing 
Perry's difficulties in building his Fleet, &c. . . . .461 

Note 17. — Letter from William Sullivan, Esq., to a Daughter of 
General Hull 479 

Note 18. — Letter from S. Hale, Esq., to Mrs. N. B. Hickman, a 
Daughter of General Hull 481 



HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 



AND 



SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 



CHAPTER I. 

William Hull appointed Governor of Michigan. — Events of his Admin- 
istrations. — Indian Settlements in Michigan. — Treaties with the 
Indians. — Troubles. 

In 1805, March 22d, William Hull received from 
Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, 
the appointment of Governor of Michigan, which had 
been erected into a separate territory by Act of Con- 
gress, January 11th, of the same year. The Legis- 
lative power of the territory was vested in the Gov- 
ernor and Judges, who were authorized to adopt and 
publish its laws from the codes of the original States. 
WilHam Hull was also appointed Indian Agent, an 
office which was then connected w^ith that of Exec- 
utive Magistrate. .' 

The duties of Indian Agent were not the least 
considerable of those belonging to the office of Gov- 
ernor. The white inhabitants of Michigan, collec- 
20 



306 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

lively, amounted six years after this time to only 4860 
persons ; four-fifths of whom were French, and the 
remainder Americans, with a few British. But the 
Indian settlements within the territory were numerous. 
They consisted of the Pottawatamies, who inhabited 
the upper branches of the river Raisin, Huron, &c. ; 
the Miamis, Wyandots,* Chippewas, Winnebagoes, 
i Ottawas, and others, whose villages were scattered 
! through the region between the present States of 
Ohio, Indiana, and Michigan, and within the penin- 
sula itself. These were the tribes who were after- 
wards united with Tecumsehand the Prophet against 
the United States, and as allies of England, as they 
had formerly been united under Pontiac against the 
English and as alhes of France. They felt that the 
people of the United States were their natural enemies 
because their lands were perpetually encroached upon 
by them. Just so they had before felt that the English 
were their enemies, so long as it was from the Eng- 
lish that they apprehended the loss of their lands. 
General Hull, as Indian Agent, had in view two ob- 
jects, which he communicated to the President, in 
letters to General Dearborn, Secretary at War, dated 
January 10th and 17th, 1806.t ^ 

The first object was, to extinguish gradually and 
regularly the Indian title ; the second, to instruct 
the tribes in farming and the mechanic arts. At this 
time the Indian title in Michigan had been extin- 
guished only in the following tracts : 

* Most of the Wyandots were on f Copies from General Hull's pri- 
the Upper and Lower Sandusky. vate papers, in possession of the writer. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 3Q7 

First, at the post of Detroit, and a district adja- 
cent, bounded north by Lake St. Clair, south by the 
river Raisi n, and west by a line six miles distant from 
Detroit river. 

Secondly, the post of Michilimackinac, (now 
Mackinaw,) and the island itself, and the mainland 
adjacent, extending six miles on Lake Huron, and 
three miles back, and the island De Blois Blanc. 

The Indian title was also extinguished in north- 
western Ohio, at the Rapids, and at the mouth of the 
Maumee, and on Sandusky bay. 

Thus it will be seen, that except a strip of land, 
all of Michigan was in possession of the Indians. 
Meantime American settlers were anxious to come in. 
Governor Hull, therefore, was strongly desirous of 
making some satisfactory treaties with the Indians. 
He says, in his communication of January 14th, 1806: 

" I should think it would be expedient to purchase 
all the land in the territory, south of a line drawn due 
west from the most westerly point of Saganaw bay 
to Lake Michigan. In that case, probably some 
s mall re servations for the Indians might be necessary; 
one probably on the ri ver St . Joseph, which empties 
itself into the southerly part of Lake Michigan, where 
many of the Pottawatamies now reside, one on the 
upper branches of the river Huron, which empties 
into Lake St. Clair, and one on the Saganaw river, 
which falls into Saganaw bay." He goes on to 
mention other reservations, and adds, that " the Pot- 
^ tawatamies and Chippewas are the proprietors of the 
country. Some of the other tribes, probably by com- 



308 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

pact or understanding among them, may consider 
themselves as having other rights, bj which they may 
claim some part of the compensation, and conse- 
quently it may be necessary to make them parties to 
the treaty." * 

Pursuing this plan, in 1807 Governor Hull en- 
tered into a treaty, at Detroit, with the Ottawa, 
Chippewa, Pottawatamie, and Wyandot tribes, by 
which they ceded to the United States an extensive 
territory on the southeastern side of Michigan, bounded 
south by the river and bay of Miami ; west by a line 
running north and south, through the middle of the 
territory, nearly as far north as Saganaw bay, and 
north by a line running from this point to White Rock 
in Lake Huron. In payment for this land, annuities 
were given to several tribes.f 

This cession was not accomplished, however, 
without difficulty and opposition. Among Governor 
Hull's papers, is a letter dated June 10th, 1807, from 
Captain Dunham, commanding at Michilimackinac, 
in which he speaks as follows : " Immediately on 
the receipt of your Excellency's favour of April 29th, 
1 summoned together the chiefs of the Chippewa and 
Ottawa tribes, and laid before them the subject of 
your letter, respecting the council or treaty to be held 
at Detroit. They decided instantly and unanimously 
not to attend the council, nor to have any thing to do 
with alienating their lands. They say ' our brethren 

* Copy of a letter to Hon. H. ^' f Lanman's History of Michigan, 
Dearborn, Secretary at War, dated page 183. 
January 14, 1805,— ifw/Z's ipaipers. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 399 

below are forgetting their children ; if they are fools 
enough to throw away their hunting grounds, let them 
do it ; we, however, in this quarter, will do no such 
thing — and we hope, my brother, that you will not 
think of taking away one hand's breadth of our lands, 
for we have not so much to spare.' In short, they 
appear to be much alarmed on the subject, and indi- 
cate a disposition by no means friendly. I believe 
they have been tampered with, and I suspect some 
unauthorized individuals of a neighbouring nation 
are endeavouring to throw obstacles in the way of the 
intended treaty." * 

This last suspicion was quite unnecessary, though 
perhaps natural. It needed no suggestion from the 
French or British to make the Indians reluctant to 
give up their territory. It was owing to natural and 
inevitable causes, that the Indians grew more and 
more hostile to the Americans, and ever more friendly 
to the British. Those who wanted their lands, were 
their natural enemies ; those who could assist them 
to retain them, were their natural allies. These 
causes had but a few years before made them friendly 
to the French and hostile to the English ; they now 
made them friendly to the English and hostile to the 
Americans. The flood of American immigration was 
beginning to flow into northwestern Ohio and In- 
diana, but no such emigration was taking place toward 
the west of the British possessions. The Americans 
were farmers, and would occupy the lands perma- 



Copy of Captfiin Dunham's letter, in Hull's papers. 



310 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

nently. The only British who came near them, were 
hunters, like themselves, or traders to buy their furs. 
These deep-lying and permanent causes of a state of 
things, which no wisdom nor energy on the part of 
the territorial government could alter, had already 
begun to produce that confederacy against the United 
States, of the Indian tribes, of which the Shawnee 
Prophet was the head, and his brother Tecumseh 
both head and hand. 

As early as 1806, the Prophet commenced his 
operations. His object was to unite all the north- 
western Indians against the progress of the American 
settlements. The Prophet affirmed, that he had 
seen the Great Spirit ; and that he was his agent. 
He said that the Americans were intending to push 
the Indians into the Lakes, as they had driven them 
from the sea-coast ; that the Indians must take a 
stand where they were, and drive the Americans to 
the other side of the Alleghany mountains. This 
effort of the Prophet excited great interest through 
all the tribes, and produced manifest effects on the 
tempers of the Indians. From all quarters Governor 
Hull was informed of the hostile spirit which began 
to be manifested. The first notice of the Shawnee 
Prophet which appears in Governor Hull's correspon- 
dence, is contained in a letter addressed to the Gov- 
ernor, by William Wells, from Fort Wayne, dated 
September 5, 1806.* He says, " that a number of 
Shawnee Indians have settled at Greenville, on lands 

* Hull's papers. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. QH 

belonging to the United States. They have a man 
among them that pretends to be a prophet. This 
fellow is well calculated to lead the Indians astray, 
and it appears that it is his determination to do so." 

But the most remarkable evidence of the Pro- 
phet's sagacity and influence, is found in a speech, 
delivered on the 4th May, 1807, by an Indian named 
Le Maigouis, or the Trout.* This speech was deliv- 
ered at the entrance of Lake Michigan (Le Maioui- 
tinong,) and a full account of it was transmitted to 
Governor Hull by Captain Dunham, from Mackinaw, 
with a letter, from which we make the following ex- 
tracts : 

" Fort Michilimackinac, May 20, 1807. 

" Sir,— I have thought it my duty to state to your 
Excellency, that there appears to be an exten- 
sive movement among the savages of this quarter, 
which seems to carry with it a good deal of the dark 
and mysterious. Belts of wampum are rapidly circu- 
lating from one tribe to another, and a spirit is pre- 
vailing by no means pacific. What I have been able 
to learn, through sources to be relied on, leaves little 
room for conjecture as to the object of their hostile 
intentions ; and the enclosed talk, which has been in- 
dustriously spread among them, and which seems to 
have had considerable effect on their minds, needs no 
comment. 

" It ought to be observed, that this Talk is com- 

* Called by Lanman, Le Mar- manuscript it is always spelt Mai- 
quois : probably a misprint, as in the gouis. 



312 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

municated in open council, where old and young of 
both sexes are allowed to assemble. There is, how- 
ever, another Talk, known only in the private coun- 
cil of the chiefs and warriors. From the letter and 
spirit of the former, we may easily infer the com- 
plexion and views of the latter. There is certainly 
mischief at the bottom, and there can be no doubt in 
my mind, but that the object and intention of this great 
Manitou, or second Adam, under pretence of restor- 
ing to the Aborigines their former independence, and 
to the savage character its animal energy, is, in re- 
ality, to induce a general effort to rally, and to strike 
somewhere a desperate and decisive blow. 

" I cannot say that I apprehend an immediate at- 
tack. Perhaps my character as a soldier might be 
called in question, were I to suppose the possibility 
of a thing which some would deem so improbable. 
But, aware as 1 am of the insidiousnessand treachery 
of this people. I have thought it no more than a dic- 
tate of prudence to watch their motions, and to be in 
constant readiness to receive them, either with the 
olive branch or the bayonet, as circumstances might 
require. 

" Many fabulous and foolish stories are circulated, 
to impress the idea of their great progenitor's divinity 
and mission ; but whether he is really the envoy of 
heaven, or only an emissary from the Cabinet of St. 
Cloud, I will not presume to say. He is represented 
as being seen only on an elevated scaffold, sitting or 
kneeling on a cross, and in a constant attitude of de- 
votion. It is even said, that he can fly; and that the 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 3)3 

multitude of his disciples who visit him, are miracu- 
lously fed by a profusion of wild animals, which are 
thronging about him for that purpose. All this is 
eagerly swallowed ; and the severe denunciations of 
his penal code, terrify them at once into an adoption 
of his creed. His system is so artfully interwoven 
with their ancient superstitions and their modern pre- 
judices, that they receive the whole with a religious 
enthusiasm. \ 

" How long this frenzy may last^ or whether the 
Indians immediately in this vicinity may eventually 
come in to the extent of the measure, I cannot say. 
The herald ofthis new religion, Le Maigouis, is a bro- 
ther of the principal chief at Arbre Croche. He is now 
gone to Lake Superior, to initiate the savages of that 
quarter into its mysteries. 

" I have the honour to be your Excellency's obe- 
dient and humble servant, 

(Signed) J. Dunham." 

Substance of a talk delivered at Le Maiouitinong, 
entrance of Lake Michigan, by the Indian Chief Le 
Maigouis, or the Trout, May 4th, 1807, as coming 
from the first man whom God created, said to be in 
the Shawnese country, addressed to all the different 
Tribes of Indians. 

Le Maigouis, holding in his hand eight strings of 
old wampum, four white and four blue, said : 

" Brothers, — These strings of wampum come 
from the Great Spirit. Do not despise them, for he 
knows every thing. They are to go all around the 



314 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

earth, till they are lost. They were sent to you by 
the^r5^ man he created with these words : 

" Children, — I was asleep, when the Great Spirit 
addressing himself to another Spirit said, 1 have 
closed my hook of accounts with man, and am going 
to destroy the earth : but first I will awaken from the 
Sleep of the Dead, the first man I created ; he is 
wise. And let us hear if he has aught to say. He 
then awoke me and told me what he was about to 
do. 

" I looked around the world and saw my Red 
children had greatly degenerated, that they had be- 
come scattered and miserable. When I saw this, I 
was grieved on their account, and asked leave of the 
Great Spirit to come to see if I could reclaim them. 
I requested the Great Spirit to grant, in case they 
should listen to my voice, that the world might yet 
subsist for the period of Three full Lives, and my re- 
quest was granted. 

" Now, therefore, my children, listen to my voice, 
it is that of the Great Spirit ! If you hearken to my 
counsel and follow my instructions for four years, 
then will there be two days of darkness, during 
which, I shall tread unseen through the land and 
cause the animals, such as they were formerly, when 
I created them, to come forth out of the earth. The 
Great Spirit bids me address you in his own words, 
which are these : 

" My children, — You are to have very little inter- 
course with the whites. They are not your Father, 
as you call them, but your brethren. / am your Fa- 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 325 

iher. When you call me so, you do well. I am the 
Father of the English, of the French, of the Span- 
iards, and of the Indians. I created the first man, 
who was the common Father of all these people as 
well as yourselves ; and it is through him, whom 1 
have now awakened from his long sleep, that I now 
address you. But the Americans, I did not make. 
They are not my children, but the children of the Evil 
Spirit. They grew from the scum of the great water, 
when it was troubled by the Evil Spirit, and the 
froth was driven into the woods, by a strong east 
wind. They are numerous, but 1 hate them. They 
are unjust. They have taken away your lands, 
ivhich ivere not made for them. 

"My children, — The whites I placed on the other 
side of the Great Lake, ihdil they might be a separate 
people. To them I gave different manners, customs, 
animals, vegetables, &c., for their use. To them I 
have given cattle, sheep, swine, and poultry, for 
themselves only. You are not to keep any of their 
animals, nor to eat of their meat. To you I have 
given the deer, the bear, and all wild animals, and 
the fish that swim in the rivers, and the corn that 
grows in the fields, for your own use ; and you are 
not to give your meat or your corn to the whites to 
eat. 

" My children, — You may salute the whites when 
you meet them, but must not shake hands. You 
must not get drunk. It is a great sin. Your old 
men and chiefs may drink a little pure spirits, such 
as comes from Montreal : but you 7nust not drink 



316 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1312, 

whisky. It is the drink of the Evil Spirit. It was 
not made bj me; but bj the Americans. It is poi- 
son. It makes you sick. It burns your insides. 
Neither are you on any account to eat bread. It is 
the food of the whites. 

" My children, — You must plant corn for your- 
selves, for your wives, and for your children. And 
when you do it, you are to help one another : but 
plant no more than is necessary for your own use. 
You must not sell it to the whites. It was not made 
for them. I made all the trees of the forest for your 
use, but the maple I love best, because it yields sugar 
for your little ones. You must make it only for 
them ; but sell none to the whites. They have an- 
other sugar, which was made expressly for them ; 
besides, by making too much, you spoil the trees and 
give them pain, by cutting and hacking them ; for 
they have a feeling like yourselves. If you make 
more than is necessary for your own use, you shall 
die, and the maple will yield no more water. 

" If a white man is starving, you may sell him a 
little corn, or a very little sugar, but it must be by 
measure and by weight. 

" My children, — You are indebted to the white 
traders, but you must pay them no more than half 
their credits J because they have cheated ijou. You must 
pay them in skins, gums, canoes, &c. But not in meat, 
corn, and sugar. You must not dress like the ivhites, 
nor wear hats like them, but pluck out your hair, as 
in ancient times, and wear the feather of the eagle on 
your heads. And when the weather is not severe. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 3|7 

you must go naked, excepting the Breech-cloth. And 
when you are clothed, it must be in skins or leather, 
of your own dressing. 

" My children, — You complain that the animals of 
the forest are fled and scattered. How should it be 
otherwise ? You destroy them yourselves, for their 
skins only, and leave their bodies to rot, or give the 
best pieces to the ivhites. I am displeased when I 
see this, and take them back from the earth : that 
they may not come to see you again. You must 
kill no more animals, they are necessary to feed and 
clothe you, and you are to keep but one dog : because 
by keeping too many you starve them. 

" My children — Your women must not live with 
the Traders or other White men, unless they are law- 
fully married. But I do not like even this ; because 
my White and Red children were thus marked with 
different colours, that they might be a separate peo- 
ple." 

Here follow certain regulations respecting court- 
ship and marriage, &c., which are too minutely de- 
tailed to be repeated. The Great Spirit also directs 
them to bathe every morning, to wash away their 
sins. Upon the observance of which regular times 
they are to be pardoned four times for the same of- 
fence ; such as stealing, getting drunk, or the like — 
but the fifth time, says the Great Spirit, " you shall 
surely die.'''' 

" Your wise men (or conjurers) have bad medicine 
in their bags. They must throw away their medicine- 



318 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

bags, and when their medicine is in blossom, collect 
it fresh and pure. You must make no feasts to the 
Evil Spirits of the Earth, but only to the Good 
Spirit of the Air. You are no more to dance the 
fVabano, nor the Poigan or Pipe-dance. I did not 
put jou on the Earth to dance these dances. But 
you are to dance naked, with your bodies painted, 
and with the Poigan mangum (war club) in your 
hand. You must all have this weapon and never 
leave it behind you. When you dance this, I shall 
always look on with pleasure. You are to make 
yourselves Paka tonacas (or crosses) which you must 
always carry with you, and amuse yourselves often 
with that game (a kind of bat-ball, common among 
the savages, which requires great agility). Your 
women must also have handsome Passa quanades, 
that they may play also : for I made you to amuse 
yourselves, and I am delighted when I see you happy. 
You are, however, never to go to war against each 
other: but to cultivate peace between your different 
tribes, that they may become one great people. 

" My children, — No Indian must sell rum to an 
Indian. It makes him rich, but when he dies, he be- 
comes very wretched. You bury him with all his 
wealth and ornaments about him, and as he goes 
along the path of the dead, they fall from him. He 
stops to take them up, and they become dust. He at 
last arrives almost at the place of rest, and then 
crumbles into dust himself. But those who, by their 
labour, furnish themselves with necessaries only. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 3] 9 

when they die, are happy. And when they arrrive 
at the land of the dead, will find their wigwam fur- 
nished with every thing they had on earth." 

(Thus far the Great Spirit.) " Now my chil- 
dren," said the first created man, "listen to what I 
am about to add :" 

" The Great Spirit then opened a door, showing 
me a Bear and a Deer, both very small, and very 
lean, and said, ' Look here, my son. These are the 
animals that are now in the Earth. The red people 
have spoiled them, by killing them too young and by 
giving their meat to the whites, and also by greasing 
themselves with their fat, which is very wrong. 
The women, when they grease their bodies or their 
hair, should do it only with the fat of the smaller 
animals, of Racoons, of Otters, of Snakes,' &c. 

" The Great Spirit then opened another door and 
showed me a Bear and a Deer, extremely fat, and^of 
a very extraordinary size, saying, ' Look here, my son. 
Those are the animals placed on the Earth when I 
created you.' Now my children, listen to what I say 
and let it siri^^irftb your ears — it is the orders of the 
Great Spirit. 

" My children, — You must not speak of this Talk 
to the whites. It must he hidden from them. I am 
now on the Earth, sent by the Great Spirit, to instruct 
you. Each village must send me two or more princi- 
pal chiefs to represent you, that you may be taught. 
The Bearer of this Talk, will point out to you the 
path to my wigwam. I could come to xheArhre Croche 
myself, because the world is changed from what it 



320 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812. 

was. It is broken and leans down, and as it declines, 
the Chippeicas and all beyond will fall off and die. 
Therefore you must come to see me and be instructed, 
in order to prevent it. Their villages which do not 
listen to this Talk and send me two deputies will be 
cut off from the face of the Earth." 

In a subsequent letter of Captain Dunham, dated 
July 23d, 1807, he repeats his belief that the savages 
were combining with hostile intentions against the 
Americans. " It seems," he says, " a very extensive 
league is forming, which is to include all the differ- 
ent tribes north of the Ohio and east of the Missis- 
sippi. They have avowed their object to several of 
the most respectable traders. They complain much 
of the Americans having deprived them of their lands. 
They say that if they unite they shall be strong ; that 
they are taking each other by the hand, for the pur- 
pose of forming a great circle ; that this circle is 
nearly completed, there being now only two or three 
gaps ; that when these are filled, the circle will ex- 
tend itself rapidly and crowd off every white man 
that now dares to set foot on their ground." — Such 
were the communications received by General Hull 
as early as 1806^ in respect to the great confederacy 
under the Prophet and Tecumseh. Similar alarms 
and rumours concerning the hostility of the Indians 
continued, up to the battle of Tippecanoe and the 
breaking out of the war in 1812. 

The cause of this Indian hostility was one which 
could not be removed. It was their natural dread of 
losing all their hunting grounds, by the encroachment 
of the whites. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 321 

In a Council held with General Harrison in 1811, 
near Vincennes, Tecumseh declared that " the sys- 
tem which the United States pursued, of purchasing 
lands from the Indians, he viewed as a ^nighty water, 
ready to overflow his people, and that the confederacy 
which he was forming among the tribes, to prevent 
any tribe from selling land without the consent of the 
others, was the dam he was erecting to resist this 
mighty ivater.^^ In pursuit of this object, Tecumseh 
visited all the Indian tribes, and urged upon them this 
plan of combination. 

In addition to these Indian troubles, General 
Hull had many more difficulties, external and inter- 
nal, to contend against, in the administration of his 
Territory. In the first place, the difficulty of com- 
munication was no trifling one. To get from Albany 
to Niagara, in 1805, with his family, General Hull 
found it was best to go in boats up Lake Ontario, and 
then to wait till a vessel should be sailing from Buffalo 
to Detroit, an event which occurred only occasionally. 
The State of New- York, which is now traversed from 
east to west in twenty-four hours, by three trains of 
railroad-cars each day, was then, in many places, an 
unbroken forest. The ports on Lake Erie, which are 
now visited many times a day by steamers, bound up 
and down the lake, were then entered only once in 
many days by a lonely vessel. Northern Ohio, filled 
at present with thriving villages and prosperous cities^ 
was then a wilderness. Again, when Governor Hull 
reached Detroit, he found that a large part of the 
place had recently been destroyed by fire, and there 

21 



HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

was not a house in which he could be properly ac- 
commodated. He was obliged to build himself a 
house. There were no public offices, no council-house 
for the Indian Department ; and he even had to write 
to the Secretary at War for a boat, with which to 
communicate with tlie distant Indians.* The inhab- 
itants of the Territory wanted the titles to their lands 
secured, and the Governor must urge this matter at 
Washington. There was no printing-press at Detroit^ 
and the Governor must correspond with printers at 
Herkimer, to induce them to come to Detroit, which 
they apparently did not do, as after this time he sends 
his public orders to Washington, to be printed there. 
Laws were to be made and put in operation. A militia 
system was to be established, a matter of no small diffi- 
culty, though of great necessity. Colonel Anderson, 
of the second regiment of militia, writes many letters 
from the river Raisin, complaining of his officers, be- 
cause they will not get their uniforms. The poor 
Colonel at last wishes to resign his commission, for 
" the French gentlemen, headed by the Lieutenant- 
Colonel, will not get their uniforms ; and the troops, 
the more I exercise them, the less they learn." " Out 
of twenty French gentlemen, officers, only five that 
have any uniform." Driven desperate, the Colonel, 
on June 26, 1806, writes that he has arrested 
his officers ; and they write to the Governor, demand- 
ing a court-martial, " as they wish to know their 
fate." 

While at Washington, in December, 1805, Gov- 

* Hull's files of private papers. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 323 

ernor Hull receives letters and affidavits, giving an 
account of an affi-ay between the citizens of Detroit 
and some British officers from Maiden, who, with the 
assistance of some of the American officers from the 
fort, attempted to arrest a deserter. Governor Hull 
must write to Archbishop Carrol, to request him not 
to remove from Detroit a useful and much-loved 
Catholic priest. Mr. Badger, a Presbyterian minis- 
ter, missionary to the Indians at Sandusky, writes to 
the Governor that he can put his finger through the 
blankets sent to the Indians in payment of their an- 
nuities, and that he must send new ones. 

Great difficulties arise concerning the assignment 
of donation-lots to the inhabitants of Detroit, and here 
the Governor is obliged to differ from Judge Wood- 
ward, from which an alienation ensues. It is well 
known, that the seat of a territorial government is 
very apt to be the scene of constant contention, strife, 
and party-spirit. The offices under such a govern- 
ment are so numerous, in proportion to the inhabit- 
ants, that almost every body thinks he has a claim, 
or at least a chance, to obtain one. Money is usually 
scarce, and this enhances the value of an office, the 
salary of which is regularly paid in cash. But all 
cannot have offices, and those who are disappointed, 
become the enemies of the more successful, or of 
those whose influence secured them the appointment. 

Governor Hull seems to have had his share of 
these embarrassments, and occasionally friends were 
turned into enemies, by his opposing their opinions 



324 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

or their interests. Yet he appears to have been 
popular with the people generally, and when his term 
of office expired, was re-appointed by Mr. Jefferson ; 
a proof, at least, that his proceedings were approved 
at Washington, 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 326 



CHAPTER II. 

War of 1812. — Governor Hull appointed Brigadier-General to lead 
THE Troops frojvi Ohio to Detroit. — March to Detroit. — Invasion of 
Canada. — Fall of Michilimackinac, and subsequent events. 

In February, 1812, Governor Hull being at Wash- 
ington, received accounts from the Territory of Mich- 
igan, that the Indians were becoming hostile to the 
defenceless inhabitants of that exposed frontier.* He 
urged upon the administration the expediency of pro- 
viding a force for their protection. War with Great 
Britain was imminent : Congress was augmenting 
the army, and messages had been sent by the British 
officers in Canada to all the powerful tribes of the 
Northwest ; accompanied with presents of arms or 
clothing, urging them to take part with Great Britain, 
their natural ally. Accordingly, the President called 
upon the Governor of Ohio to detach twelve hundred 
militia, and prepare them for actual service. These 
militia were to be joined by the 4th United States 
regiment, then at Post St. Vincennes. After these 
arrangements were made, the Secretary of War, Mr. 
Eustis, stated to Governor Hull, that it was the 
wish of the President to appoint him to the command 
of these troops, with the rank of Brigadier-General, 
in order that he should march them to Detroit. 

• 

* Hull's Memoirs of the Campaign of ISIS, page 15. 



326 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

Governor Hull declined the appointment in the 
most unqualified manner, stating that it was not his 
wish to receive any military appointment- Colonel 
Kingsbury was then ordered to Washington, to take 
command of these troops, and to receive his instruc- 
tions to that end. He fell sick on his arrival, and 
became thus unable to perform the duty. The propo- 
sition being again made to Governor Hull, he finally 
consented to accept any military appointment, either 
that of Colonel, Lieutenant-Colonel, or Brigadier- 
General, which would give him the command of the 
troops, and enable him to lead them to Detroit. He 
was immediately nominated Brigadier-General, and 
accepted the appointment with reluctance, and with 
no other object, he says, than to aid in the protection 
of the inhabitants of Michigan against the savages.* 
He was to retain his office of Governor of Michigan, 
and received orders to perform his civil duties as 
usual. 

In his anxiety for the safety of the people of the 
Territory, Governor Hull here committed an error, 
which a more selfish man would have avoided. The 
people of the United States generally were expecting 
the conquest of Canada. It had been stated repeat- 
edly on the floor of Congress, that in case of war 
with Great Britain, Canada would at once be over- 



'Tj* Hull's Memoirs of the Cam- late Secretary at War, v/ith his an- 

paign, &c., page 16. Also Hull's swers, under oath." In these an- 

Trial (reported by Col. Forbes), Ap- swers, Governor Eustis conlkavs. 

pendix, page 3. " Interrogatories what is stated in the text, 
put by Wm. Hull to Wm. Eustis^ 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 327 

run and conquered by the armies of the United 
States.* Governor Hull knew and had repeatedly 
represented to the Government the difficulties in the 
way of such an enterprise. The Lakes were in pos- 
session of the British ; the Indians were on their 
side, and the militia of Canada numbered twenty to 
one of the militia of Michigan. In three separate 
memorials, addressed to the War Department in April 
1809, June 1811, and March 1812, he had urged 
the necessity of a fleet on Lake Erie. Again, after 
his appointment as Brigadier-General, he urged the 
same thing in a memorial to the President. In a 
conversation with the President and Secretary at War, 
he insisted on the same course of conduct so strongly, 
that Commodore Stewart was actually ordered to 
Washington, to receive the appointment of Navy 
Agent on Lake Erie, and orders concerning the build- 
ing of a fleet on that Lake.f 

General Hull well knew, and had earnestly stated, 
that to conquer Canada, or even to preserve Michigan, 



* Speeches in Congress in 1812 quer her on the ocean, is to drive 

by Eustis and Henry Clay, " We her from the land. I am not for 

can take Canada without soldiers, stopping at Quebec or any where 

We have only to send officers into else, but I would take the whole 

the Provinces, and the people, disaf- continent from them and ask them 

fected toward their own Govern- no favours. We must take the 

ment, will rally round our standard." whole continent from them. I wish 

•"It is absurd to suppose, that we ne'>er to see peace till we do." 

shall not succeed in our enterprise Thus spake Henry Clay in 1812: 

against the enemy's provinces, but better advised in 1814, he signed, 

We have the Canadas as much un- as Commissioner, the Treaty of 

jder our command as Great Britain Peace at Ghent. 
has tlie ocean, and the wav to con- f See Appendix, Note 2d, 



328 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

it was necessary either to have command of the Lake, 
by means of a fleet superior to the British, or to in- 
vade Upper Canada with two powerful and co-operat- 
ing armies at Detroit and Niagara. He therefore 
believed that the Government, in case of war, would 
adopt one or both of these measures. He did not think 
that he should be expected to conquer Upper Canada 
with an army of fifteen hundred men, foui -fifths of 
whom were militia, while the British held the Lakes 
with their ships, and the forests with their Indians. 
He depended on efficient support both by water and 
land. But while his object was the protection of 
Michigan and its inhabitants, the object of the Gov- 
ernment and people was the conquest of Canada. 
He regarded himself as Governor and Protector of 
the Territory ; he was regarded by the nation as gen- 
eral of an invading army, which was shortly to over- 
run the whole of Canada. A selfish man, therefore, 
foreseeing the impossibility of meeting the expecta- 
tions of the Government and people, would have per- 
sisted in refusing this appointment of Brigadier-Gen- 
eral. But hoping to protect the inhabitants from, 
immediate Indian hostilities, and confiding that the 
Government would support him in case of war, he 
accepted the appointment, and went to Dayton, Ohioj 
to take command of the troops.* 

* In the 10th No. of his Memoirs of Oliio, I felt a verj' deep interest 

of the Campaign of 1812, General in the object of my mission. Th& 

Hull thus speaks of his position at consideration that I was clothed with 

this time : " In leaving Washing- the authority and furnished with 

ton, in April, 1812, to take command the means of affording .safety and 

of the forces assembled in the State security to the frontier inhabitants. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 329 

On the 10th May, 1812, General Hull arrived at 
Cincinnati, in Ohio. Here he met Governor Meigs, 
who had made great exertions in collecting the 



of the country ; and particularly to 
those of the Territory of Michigan, 
of which I was Governor, was 
soothing to my feelings and animat- 
ing to my exertions. Although 
about thirty years had then elapsed 
since my sword had lain useless in 
its scabbard, and time had necessari- 
ly enfeebled my strength and con- 
stitution, yet it was impossible for 
me to see a country in which from 
my situation, I was so particularly 
interested, exposed to the fury of 
the savages without raising an arm 
for its safety. Convinced that the 
forces intrusted to my command 
were sufficient for the protection of 
the frontier settlements and the se- 
curity of the Territory while we 
were at peace with Great Britain ; 
and knowing that I had communi- 
cated what measures, in my opinion, 
would be indispensably necessary, 
in the event of war, which communi- 
cations had been received as olEcial 
documents and approved by the 
Government, and feeling a generous 
confidence in the justice and honour 
of the administration, I had little 
anxiety with respect to any conse- 
quences v/hich might have attended 
my command. 

" If it were to be my fortune to 
protect the defenceless inhabitants of 
our country, against the cruelty of 
savages, and prosperity was to at- 



tend the exertions of the army, the 
satisfaction of having promoted the 
cause of humanity would have been 
an ample reward. But if, after hon- 
estly discharging my duty, in the 
best manner I was capable, misfor- 
tune was to be my lot, I believed 
that a generous government and a 
generous people would at least have 
shielded me from censure and re- 
proach. At that time, indeed, I con- 
sidered there was little or no hazard. 
It was a time of peace with Eng- 
land, and while that remained, there 
was no danger, excepting from the 
savages. Some excitement then 
existed, through the influence of the 
British Agents, in preparing thera 
for events which they anticipated 
might take place. In the event of 
war, I considered that such arrange- 
ments would have been made, as 
would have enabled the army I com- 
manded to have operated with suc- 
cess against the enemy. As the 
Government continued me in com- 
mand of the Northwestern anny 
after the declaration of war, I had a 
right to believe, that such measures 
would have been adopted, as I had 
stated were deemed by me essential 
to success. The measures to which 
I alluded in the event of war, I have 
mentioned, were a navy on Lake 
Erie, sufficient to preserve that com- 
munication; and an army of suffi- 



330 



HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812. 



twelve hundred militia which had been ordered by 
the President. Their rendezvous was Dajton. Al- 
though ofiicers and men seemed to be animated with 
zeal, jet they were without discipline, and destitute of 
proper arms andcloihing.* The three militia regiments 
elected their field officers at Dayton. Duncan McAr- 
thur was chosen Colonel, and James Denny and Wil- 
liaiA A. Trimble Majors, of the first regiment ; James 
Findlay, Colonel, and Thomas Moore and Thomas 
Van Home Majors, of the second regiment; Lewis 
Cass, Colonel, and Robert Morrison and J. R. Mun- 
son Majors, of the third regiment. 

On May 25th, General Hull was invested with 
the command of the militia, and made them an ad- 
dress. On the first of June, the army marched to 
Staunton ; on the 10th, they were joined, at Urbana, 



cient strength in co-operation with 
the one I commanded, to make a 
conquest of Canada. 

" In all these communications, I 
gave it as my opinion, that unless 
we had the benefit of this co-opera- 
tion, the posts of Detroit, Michili- 
mackinac, and Chicago, would inev- 
itably fall into the hands of the 
enemy." 

* " Their arms were totally unfit 
for use, the leather which covered 
their cartouch boxes was rotten, and 
no better security to the cartridges 
than brown paper; many of the 
men were destitute of blankets and 
other necessary clothing ; no ar- 
morers were provided to repair the 
arms ; co means had been adopted 



to furnish clothing ; no public stores 
to resort to, either for good arms or 
suitable clothing ; and no powder in 
any of the magazines fit for use. 
And v.'hat is more extraordinary, no 
contract, nor any measures adopted, 
to supply these troops with the ne- 
cessary articles of provisions during 
their march through a wilderness of 
more tlian two hundred miles, until 
they arrived at Detroit. On my own 
responsibility, I sent to powder-mills 
in Kentucky and purchased powder, 
collected a few blankets and other 
necessary clothing from the inhabit- 
ants of Ohio, and emjiloyed private 
armorers at Cincinnati and Dayton, 
to repair the arms."-— Hull's Me- 
moirs, page 34. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 33] 

by the fourth United States regiment, under Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Miller, consisting of about three hundred 
effective men. From this place, which was then a 
frontier town, the distance to Detroit was more than 
two hundred miles, through a wilderness. Here the 
want of discipline of the militia appeared, in some of 
them refusing to march, and other signs of insubordi- 
nation.* In marching from Urbana to Detroit, a road 
was to be cut by the army, through the forest. The 
difficulties and labours were great, of opening a road, 
building bridges and causeways ; but were borne with 
patience by the army. Four block-houses were built 
on the route, for the convenience of reinforcements, 
and security of convoys. The army marched first to 
the Scioto; then to Blanchard's Fork, which is a 
branch of the Maumee ; then to the Rapids of the 

* The Ohio Volunteers were the troops left Urbana, Captain Hull 

militia just called into the field, and came to Colonel Miller in his official 

were deficient in discipline, and capacity and informed him tliat there 

some of them were frequently was another mutiny among the 

disorderly. " Generally speaking Ohio Volunteers, and wished a halt 

the Ohio Volunteers and Militia to take place. After a short halt, 

were insubordinate : one evening at General Hull rode up and said to 

Urbana, I saw a multitude, and Colonel Miller, ' Your regiment is 

heard a noise, and was informed that a powerful argument ; without them 

a company of Ohio Volunteers icere I could not march these men to De- 

riding one of their officers on a rail, troit.' One soldier was shot in a 

In saying that the Ohio Volunteers quarrel. There were companies 

were insubordinate, witness means among thern who were under better 

that they were only as much so as discipline than others." — Lieutenant 

undisciplined militia generally are. Bacon's testimony (4th Regiment). 

Some thirty or forty of the Ohio Minutes of the Court Martial for the 

militia refused to cross into Canada Trial of General Hull, from the files 

at one time, and thinks he saw one ofthe War Offjce, Washington. See 

hundred who refused to cross when also Forbes' Report of the Court 

the troops were at Urbana. When Martial, page 124. 



332 



HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 



Maumee, which was reached about the end of June.* 
War was declared on the 18th of June ; but General 
Hull received no information of it until July 2d, four- 
teen days after, though the British officer at Maiden 
had heard of it, officially, two days before. f In con- 
sequence of this delay in transmitting to him this 
most important intelligence, a vessel was taken, on 
which he had shipped important baggage, stores, and 
the invalids of the army. General Hull gives the fol- 
lowing account of this transaction : 



* McAifee's History of the late 
War. Hull's Memoirs. 

f " Armstrong's Notices of the 
War of 1812." General Arm- 
strong, late Secretary of War, an 
opponent of General Hull, thus 
speaks of this transaction, page 
47-8. " We have seen that Gene- 
ral Hull lost his own baggage and 
that of the army, the whole of his 
hospital stores and intrencliing 
tools, and sixty men, in consequence 
of the ill-judged and tardy manner 
employed in transmitting to him the 
declaration of war. A fact so ex- 
traordinary in itself and so produc- 
tive of injury to the public, calls for 
more development than has yet been 
given to it. It will be rememberisd 
that a declaration of war was au- 
thorized on the 18th June, 1812. 
On tlus day Secretary Eustis wrote 
two letters to General Hull. In one 
of these no mention was made of 
this important event; in the other, 
it was distinctly and officially an- 
nounced. The former of the two, 
was carefully made up and expedited 



by a special messenger, who arrived 
in the General's camp on the 24th 
of June : while the latter was com- 
mitted to the public mail as far as 
Cleveland, and thence through a 
wilderness of one hundred miles, to 
such conveyance as ' accident might 
supply.'' 

" The result was, that the declara- 
tion did not reach its destination un- 
til the 2d of July, two days after it 
had been received by the enemy at 
Maiden. On this occasion, the 
British Government was better 
served : Provost received notice of 
it on the 24th of June, at Quebec ; 
Brock on the 26th, at Newark ; St. 
George on the 30th, at Maiden ; 
and Roberts on the 8th of July, at 
St. Joseph's. But a fact still more 
extraordinary than the celerity of 
these transmissions is, that the infor- 
mation thus rapidly forwarded to 
Maiden and St. Josejih's, was receiv- 
ed, under envelopes, franked by 
the Secretary of the American 
Treasurv." 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 

" On the 2d day of July I received a letter from 
the Secretary of War, dated the 18th of June, inform- 
ing me of the declaration of war. It was in these 
words : 

" ' Sir, — War is declared against Great Britain. 
You will be on your guard ; proceed to your post with 
all possible expedition ; make such arrangements for 
the defence of the country as in your judgment may- 
be necessary, and wait for further orders.' 

" The day before this letter was received, the 
Quarter-Master had been directed to hire a small 
vessel, at the foot of the Rapids of the Miami, to 
transport the invalids and the baggage, &c., not want- 
ed on the march to Detroit. The horses beins: worn 
down on the march, rendered this measure, in my 
opinion, expedient. At this time I had received 
no information of the declaration of war, and did not 
consider there was any hazard in the measure. On 
the 24th of June I received a letter from the War 
Department, dated in the morning of the 18th of 
June, directing me to march to Detroit, with all pos- 
sible expedition. In that letter, not one word was 
said respecting a declaration of war. 

" The British garrison at Maiden having a num- 
ber of days before received the information, this ves- 
sel was taken in passing that fortress. The court- 
martial could not find any ground to censure me for 
employing that vessel, as I had no information of the 
declaration of war, and was obliged to acquit me of 
the charge growing out of that event. The circum- 
stances of this transaction are particularly related in 



334 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

my defence. Thus it appears, that I did not receive 
information of the war, until fourteen dajs after it 
was declared ; that the British garrison had official 
knowledge of it four or five days sooner ; that it is 
proved to demonstration, that I might have received 
it eight days earlier, as 1 actually did receive a letter 
from the Secretary of War, on the 24th of June, 
dated on the same day, viz. the 18th of June, in the 
morning, which gave no information of the declara- 
tion of war. The person who brought me this letter, 
announcing the war, informed me he was employed 
by the Postmaster of Cleveland, in the State of Ohio, 
and that it was brought in the mail to that office. In 
time of peace with England, there could have been 
but one opinion, with respect to engaging this vessel, 
in the manner it was employed. Having no inform- 
ation of the declaration of war, I must necessarily 
have believed it was a time of peace, and consequent- 
ly no blame could be attached to me. The following 
is the opinion of the court-martial on this subject: 

" ' The evidence on the subject having been pub- 
licly given, the Court deem it proper, in justice to the 
accused, to say, that they do not believe, from any- 
thing which has appeared, that Brigadier-General 
William Hull has committed treason against the Uni- 
ted States.' " 

On July 5th, the army under General Hull ar- 
rived at Detroit. A ^ew days were then occupied in 
cleaning and repairing arms, and in giving the sol- 
diers rest from the fatigues of the laborious march. 
The enemy were then erecting fortifications on the 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 335 

opposite bank, and an impatience prevailed among 
the officers and men of the American army, to cross 
the river, and commence offensive operations. Gene- 
ral Hull called a council of the field officers, and in- 
formed them that he had as yet received no authority 
to invade Canada, and requested them to restrain the 
impatience of their men. After this council was dis- 
missed, on July 9th, the following letter was received 
from Washington : 

"War Department, June 24th, 1812. 

"Sir, — By my letter of the 18th instant, you 
were informed that war was declared against Great 
Britain. Herewith, enclosed, you will receive a 
copy of the Act, and of the President's Proclamation, 
and you are authorized to commence offensive opera- 
tions accordingly. Should the force under your com- 
mand be equal to the enterprise, consistent with the 
safety of your own posts, you will take possession of 
Maiden, and extend your conquests as circumstances 
may justify. 

(Signed) William Eustis." 

On the same evening that this letter was received, 
the following answer was given : 

" Detroit, July 9th, 1812. 

" Sir, — I have received your letter of 24th June. 
The araiy under my command arrived here on the 5th 
of July, instant. Every effort has been, and is still 
making by the British, to collect the Indians under 
their standard. They have a large number. I am 



336 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

preparing boats, and shall pass the river in a few 
days. The British have established a post directly 
opposite this place. 1 have confidence in dislodging 
him, and being in possession of the opposite bank. I 
have little time to write : every thing will be done 
that it is possible to do. The British command the 
water and the savages. I do not think the force here 
equal to the reduction of Amherstburg (meaning the 
fort at Maiden), you therefore must not be too san- 
guine. 

(Signed) William Hull." 

Hon. Wm. Eustis. 

In consequence of this communication, General 
Hull crossed into Canada, July 12th, as soon as boats 
could be collected for that object, in such a manner 
as to deceive the enemy, and cause him to withdraw 
his forces, so that the American troops landed without 
opposition. 

The reasons for invading Canada were, first, the 
expectations and orders of the Government, for the 
phrase "you are authorized to commence offensive 
operations," contained in the Secretary's letter, was 
equivalent to an order. Secondly, the enemy was erect- 
ing fortifications on the bank opposite Detroit, \ hich, 
being higher than the American side, would have se- 
riously annoyed the army and town, when complet- 
ed. Thirdly, the impatient spirit of the army made it 
desirable to give them active employment. Fourthly, 
it seemed likely that the Canadians and Indians 
would be kept neutral, and prevented from joining 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 337 

the British standard, by a display of American force 
on both banks of the river. Fifthly, it was desirable 
to obtain forage and provisions from the river Thames, 
and cut off the supplies from that region to Maiden. 
The provisions in Detroit and Michigan were not 
sufficient for the inhabitants and army ; and had it not 
been for supplies obtained in Canada, would have 
fallen short before the capitulation.* 

General Hull, as is well known, issued a procla- 
mation to the Canadians upon entering their country. 
In it he declared, that he came to bring no injury to 
the peaceable and unoffending inhabitants, but offered 
them protection, peace, and security. He tells them 
to remain at their homes, and pursue their occupa- 
tions. He tells them he does not ask nor need their 
aid, but will accept it if they tender their services vol- 
untarily. He threatens them with retaliation, if they 
adopt the Indian mode of warfare, and fight by the 
side of savages, who scalp and tomahawk their pris- 
oners. 

There are some curious circumstances connected 
with this proclamation. It has been praised as a 
spirited and strong paper, and condemned as pom- 
pous and improper. After General HulVs death, the 
authorship of it was claimed for General Cass, then 
a Colonel of militia. Up to that time, that is, for 
fifteen years, no one even suggested, that it was writ- 
ten by any other than General Hull himself. Gene- 
ral HulPs family, in all that they had heard and read 

* Hull's Memoirs, page 44. 



338 



HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 



about the proclamation, had never before received the 
suggestion that General Cass was the author. As 
the matter now^ stands, whenever the proclamation is 
condemned, General Hull is treated as the author — 
when it is praised, it is said to have been written by 
General Cass.* This proclamation was approved 
by the President in a letter to General Hull, from 
the War Department, of August lst,t and was de- 
clared by the American Commissioners at the Treaty 
of Ghent, to have been unauthorized and disapprov- 
ed by the Government. J General Hull has been 



* " — heralded by pompous and 
threatening Proclamation. — " Hull's 
vapouring Prodamalion.'" — Inger- 
soH's History of the War. 

"Here he issued his Proclamation, 
lohich was an impressive and ener- 
getic paper,''' — "this hold and elo- 
quent document teas from the pen of 
Governor Cass.'' — Lanman's Mi- 
chigan. 

Mr. Tuppsr, the author of the 
"Life of Brock," (pubhshed Lon- 
don, 1845,) considers it able, and as- 
signs its authorship to some one at 
Washington, which is of course an 
impossibility. " General Hull is- 
sued the following insidious but able 
Proclamation, which was doubtless 
written at Washington." 

f Hull's Memoirs, page 49. — " On 
the 13th of July, the day after it 
(the Proclamation) was published, 
a copy of it was sent to the Govern- 
ment. The paragraph of the letter 
is in these words : ' Enclosed is a 
copy of a Proclamation to the in- 



habitants, which I hope will be ap- 
proved by the Government.' 
" Answer : 

" ' TVar Department, August 1, 1812. 

'"Sir— Your letters of 13th and 
14th, together with your Proclama- 
tion, have been received. Yoi^f 
operations are approved by the Pres- 
ident.' " 

I As regards that part of the 
Proclamation which promises pro- 
tection to the Canadians, General 
Hull thus speaks ("Hull's Me- 
moirs," pp. 47, 48) : "Before I'pro- 
ceed to any particular explanations, 
I ask you to bear in mind the situa- 
tion in which I was placed by the 
orders of the Government. I was 
in ;m enemy's countrj', with the 
command of a small body of miUtia 
and a few regulars, nearly three 
hundred miles from any magazines 
of provisions, munitions of war, or 
reinforcements. The enemy with 
which I had to contend, was all the 
British troops in Upper Canada, all 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 339 

condemned for that part of the proclamation which 
declares that no quarter would be given to those who 
should be found fighting by the side of the Indians, 



the militia of that Province, and tlie 
Northern and Western Indians, both 
in the Territory of Canada and the 
United States, together with the 
strength and resources of the 
wealthy and powerful Northwest 
Company. Placed in this insulated 
situation, with but a small stock of 
provisions on hand, and no possibil- 
ity of obtaining a further supply, as 
the Lake was commanded by a Bri- 
tish naval squadron, and the only 
communication by land, a wilder- 
ness of more than two hundred 
miles, filled with hostile savages, I 
saw no possibility of even sustaining 
my situation, unless the militia could 
be prevented from taking a part in 
the war and joining the British 
standard. 

" A large portion of the people 
of that province had emigrated from 
the United States. They had been 
educated with the principles of free- 
dom and independence; and some 
of them and many of their fathers, 
had fought and bled in defence of our 
Revolutionary contest. They were 
situated more than three thousand 
miles from the country to which 
they were subjected, and had no 
participation or interest in the mea- 
sures it adopted. Having for a 
number of years lived in their neigh- 
bourhood, I had often heard them 
express their sense of the injustice 
they suffered, and their natural 



right and strong wishes to partici- 
pate in the same freedom and inde- 
pendence which their brethren of 
the United States enjoyed, and under 
which they were so prosperous and 
^ happy. They were informed that 
the force I had, was but the vanguard 
of a much greater. I considered 
that I had solid grounds to make 
this declaration. 

" In the first place, it will be seen 
that I was authorized to pledge the 
faith of the Government, that they 
should be protected in their persons, 
property, and rights. Could I have 
believed that the Government would 
have authorized me to make this 
pledge without furnishing the means 
of reileeming it? I beg you, my 
fellow-citizens, to look back and 
consider what took place before 1 
left Washington, on this subject. 
In my official communications to 
the Government, I stated that in the 
event of war with Great Britain, it 
would be necessary to command the 
waters of Lake Erie, by a naval 
force superior to that of the enemy ; 
to provide reinforcements to secure 
the communication through the 
wilderness I was to penetrate, and 
a powerful army to co-operate from 
the States of New-York and Penn- 
sylvania, which border on the cast 
part of the lake ; that without these 
measures, it would be impossible 
for me to sustain my situation ; and 



340 HISTORY 0} THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

and announces to those who practice the Indian 
mode of warfare, of killing women, children, and 
prisoners, that a system of retaliation will be pursued. 
But how can General Hull be condemned for this, 
when it is well known that the Governments, both 
of Great Britain and the United States, adopted, in 
this very war, the same principle of retaliation, and 
threatened to put to death, in cold blood, prisoners 
innocent of any crime. If it be justifiable, on prin- 
ciples of civilized war, to hang prisoners taken in a 
fair field, for offences committed afterwards by their 
own government, it surely must be allowable, on the 
same principles, to warn those who have not yet en- 
listed, that if they shall be taken fighting in company 
with those who give no quarter, no quarter will be 
extended to themselves. On Christian principles, 
both proceedings are wrong, but those who defend 
the conduct of their respective governments in the one 
case, show either hypocrisy or extreme prejudice, in 
condemning the declaration of General Hull in the 
other. 

This proclamation, therefore, has had the singular 
fate of being approved by the Government when first 
issued, and disavowed by the same Government at 
the close of the war, — of being considered a vapour- 
ing and weak paper, when ascribed to General Hull, 
but becoming an able and bold document, when as- 



the posts of Detroit, Micliilimacki- be satisfied there were sufficient 

nac, and Chicago, would fall into grounds on my part for making this 

the possession of the enemy. I declaration." 
hope, and indeed believe, you will 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 34I 

ci'ibed to the Government, or to General Cass ; and, 
finally, of confusing military ethics so far as to make 
it cruel and unjust to threaten retaliation as a punish- 
ment for acts which may be performed by individuals 
themselves, which it is just and merciful to threaten, 
and partially execute against them, for the actions of 
their Government, with which they have nothing to 
do. 

General Hull having crossed into Canada (July 
12th), immediately proceeded to fortify his camp with 
a breast-work ; despatched a reconnoitering party 
under Captain Ulry, towards Maiden, who brought 
back word, that there were many Indians in the 
neighbourhood, and detached Colonel Mc Arthur to 
pursue the Indians (July 14th), and to go to the 
river Thames or French for provisions. He returned 
on the 17th, with two hundred barrels of flour, and 
military stores, having penetrated sixty miles. Mean- 
time, on July 16th, Colonels Cass and Miller were 
detached with two hundred and eighty men towards 
Maiden, and took possession of the bridge over the 
Aux Canards ; the British picket-guard flying at 
their approach. Thinking it desirable to retain this 
bridge, they sent a message to General Hull, asking 
permission to do so. But General Hull was not yet 
prepared to attack Maiden, for want of cannon, and 
considered that the distance of the bridge from the 
camp, and its proximity to Maiden, rendered it too 
great an undertaking to be maintained by a small de- 
achment. Colonel Cass therefore returned to camp. 

The officers and soldiers of the army being impa- 



342 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

tient to be led to the attack of Maiden, General Hull 
called a council of officers, and explained to them 
his reasons for postponing an attack. This council 
was held two days after the invasion of the enemy's 
territory. General Hull explained to them, that the 
Indians and Canadian militia had begun to desert, 
and that by waiting a little time, the force at Maiden 
might be materially weakened ; that at present he 
considered that fort too strong to be carried by his 
own force, especially until heavy artillery could be 
procured for making a breach in the defences ; and 
that all the artificers who could be procured, were 
then at work in mounting cannon. Nevertheless, 
he informed the council, that as there was so much 
anxiety expressed for the attack on Maiden, he was 
willing to lead the army to storm the fort with the 
bayonet, provided they should advise this step, and 
were of opinion that their troops could be depended 
upon. 

Colonel Miller said that his regiment of regulars 
could be relied on, but the three militia colonels very 
wisely declined giving any such assurance for the 
soldiers under their command ; and a majority of the 
council, therefore, decided against an immediate at- 
tack on Maiden. 

Meantime, events were occurring which threat- 
ened to make the position of the American army a 
very dangerous one. These were, first, the fall of 
Mackinaw, or Michilimackinac ; second, the inter- 
ruption of General Hull's communications with Ohio; 
third, the armistice, signed by General Dearborn and 
Sir George Pre vest. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 343 

First. — The British officers in Canada had, as we 
have seen, early intelligence of the declaration of 
war. Sir George Prevost heard of it at Quebec on 
June 25th, and it was known on the 24th, both at 
Montreal and Fort George, in Upper Canada. 

While General Brock, the Governor of Upper 
Canada, was thus made acquainted with the war in 
six days after it was declared, General Hull did not 
receive this information till the 2d of July, or fourteen 
days after the declaration. The news was imme- 
diately communicated to the British officer posted at 
St. Joseph's, in the neighbourhood of Michilimacki- 
nac, and at Fort William, on Lake Superior. On 
the 16th of July, Captain Roberts set out with a 
flotilla of boats and canoes, containing 45 men of the 
Royal 10th, 180 Canadians, and 400 Indians, and 
landed next dav at Michilimackinac, which fort, com- 
manded by Lieutenant Hanks, with a garrison of only 
61 officers and men, immediately surrendered by capit- 
ulation. The Indians were encouraged by this event 
to unite in open hostility against the Americans, and 
the way was opened for the whole body of northern 
Indians, and all the forces of the British Northwest 
Company, to march upon Detroit.* The character 
and amount of this force will appear more particu- 
larly from the following extracts from General Hull's 
Memoirs, pp. 58, 59, 60 : 

* " A quantity of military stores dians, a large number of whom 

and 700 packs of furs were found now joined in open hostility to the 

in the fort, and its surrender had a Americans." — Life of Erock, page ■ 

very favourable effect upon the In- 207. 



344 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

" Information had now been received that the 
fortress at Michilimackinac, situated on the navigable 
waters above me, and which the enemy commanded, 
had fallen into the possession of the British and savage 
forces which surrounded it. The news of this event 
was accompanied with information which cast a 
shade over my prospects, and greatly encouraged and 
strengthened the force of the enemy opposed to me. 

" Immediately after the fall of Michilimackinac, 
messages were sent by the Indian chiefs, who attend- 
ed the British troops in the reduction of that place, 
and who inhabited the adjacent country, to all the 
villages south, as far as Miami, informing them that 
they had joined the British standard ; that Michili- 
mackinac had fallen into their hands ; that Chicago was 
invested, and that they were all preparing to proceed 
to Maiden ; that they expected there to meet all their 
warriors, and assist in the reduction of Detroit ; that 
an express had likewise been sent to General Brock, 
informing him of the event, and that the Canadians 
and savages were coming to join the army at Maiden. 
About the same time, viz. 4th August, I received in- 
formation that Captain Chambers, of the British 
army, with a detachment of regular soldiers, and brass 
field pieces, had landed on the west part of Lake 
Ontario, had penetrated as far as the river Le French, 
and was collecting all the Canadian militia and sava- 
ges of that part of Canada, to lead them against my 
army. At this time I likewise received information 
that Colonel Proctor, of the British army, had arrived 
from Fort Erie by water, with reinforcements, at MaU 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 345 

den. As their reinforcements were guarded bj an 
armed vessel, I had nothing to oppose to them, to 
prevent their junction at Maiden. Indeed, the ad- 
vantage to the enemy of commanding the Lake be- 
came every day more apparent. Both reinforcements 
and supphes could be transported with facility from 
one post to another, whenever it became necessary.* 

" At this time I had intercepted a letter from a 
Mr. McKenzie, a member of the Northwest Compa- 
ny, at Fort William, to a Mr. Mcintosh, of Sandwich, 
the principal agent of that Company in Upper Cana- 
da, dated July 19th, 1812. The genuineness of this 
letter was proved on my trial, and admitted in evi- 
dence. It affords such clear evidence of the force on 
the borders of the lakes above me, and that it was to 
be directed against me, that I shall here recite the 
following extracts from it : 

" ' The declaration of war reached us on the 16th 
instant (July), but we are neither astonished nor 
alarmed. Our agents ordered a general muster, 
which amounted to twelve hundred, exclusive of sev- 
eral hundred of the natives. We are equal in all to 
sixteen or seventeen hundred strong. One of our 
gentlemen started on the 17th instant, with several 



* The statement concerning Ma- having made frequent and extensive 

jor Chambers, which is contained inroads from Sandwich, up the river 

in the extracts above from General Thames. I have in consequence 

Hnll's letters, is confirmed by the been induced to detach Captain 

following extract from an official Chambers with about 50 of the 41st 

letter of General Brock, of July 25. regiment to the Moravian town, 

Life of Brock, page 197. " I have where I have directed 200 militia to 

received information of the enemy join liim." 



346 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

light canoes, for the interior country, to rouse the na- 
tives to activity, which is not hard to do on the pre- 
sent occasion. We likewise despatched messengers 
in all directions with the news. I have not the least 
doubt but our force, in ten days hence, will amount 
to five thousand efifective men. Our young gentle- 
men and engagees, offered most handsomely to march 
immediately for IVIichilimackinac. Our chief, Mr. 
Shaw, expressed his gratitude, and drafted one hun- 
dred. . They are to proceed this evening to St. Jo- 
seph's. He takes about as many Indians. Could the 
vessel contain them, he might have had four thousand 
more. It now depends on what accounts we receive 
from St. Joseph's, whether these numerous tribes 
from the interior, will proceed to St. Joseph's or not.' 
" At the time I intercepted this letter, its contents 
were confirmed by the information I received from 
Lieutenant Hanks, Doctor Day, and Mr. Stone, who 
had arrived at Detroit from Michilimackinac, prison- 
ers on parole. They stated, that before they left 
Michilimackinac, a number of boats and canoes had 
arrived, in which several gentlemen came passengers, 
who, they were informed, were agents of the North- 
west Company, and had come from Fort William, af- 
ter the news of the declaration of war had been re- 
ceived there, and that they gave the same account of 
the Canadian and savage force, and its destination, 
as is contained in Mr. McKenzie's letter. They fur- 
ther stated to me, that a large body of savages were 
collected at the outlet of Lake Superior, and that two 
thousand savages, according to the best estimate they 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 347 

could make, were at Michilimackinac, prepared to 
proceed and join the British force at Maiden. Lieu- 
tenant Hanks was killed in the fort at Detroit, which 
deprived me of his testimony. Doctor Day and Mr. 
Stone, who were both at Michilimackinac, and pre- 
sent when Lieutenant Hanks made the communica- 
tion to me, in their testimony on my trial, fully con- 
firmed the statement here made." 

Second. — Another and more important source of 
danger and difficulty in the position of General Hull, 
was, the interruption of his communications with 
Ohio, by the British and Indians. This source of 
embarrassment, its cause, and the fatal results to 
which it led, cannot be better stated than in General 
Hull's own language. We therefore give the follow- 
ing extract from the eighteenth letter of his Memoirs 
on the Campaign of 1812, pp. 67, 8, 9. 

" On the 18th of June, after war was declared 
against Great Britain, the Secretary of War wrote me 
a letter, in which he informed me of the event (which 
letter was not received until 2d July), and ordered 
me to march the army I commanded to Detroit, with 
all possible expedition. At the time this order was 
given, the President of the United States well knew 
that no preparation was made to build a navy on 
Lake Erie, and that the enemy commanded it with a 
number of armed vessels and gun-boats. When, 
therefore, these fatal orders were given, those by 
whose authority they were given well knew, that the 
communication through the Lake w^ould be closed 
against us, and that no reinforcements or supplies of 



348 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

any kind could be obtained for the army through that 
channel. They well knew, that the State of Ohio 
was the nearest part of our country from which the 
necessary supplies could be furnished. They well 
knew, that the distance from any magazines where 
these supplies could be obtained, to the point where 
they ordered the army, was more than two hundred 
miles ; and to the other posts, was more than five 
hundred miles. They also knew, that this distance 
was almost entirely a wilderness, filled with savages, 
who, in the event of war, would probably become 
hostile, and that the supplies could only be carried on 
pack-horses. The Administration also knew, that in 
three separate statements which 1 had made to the 
President, through the Secretary of War, 1 had ob- 
served, that, in the event of war^ a navy on Lake 
Erie, superior to the British, was essential to success ; 
and that without preserving the water communica- 
tion, an army could not be supported at Detroit ; and 
that Detroit, Michilimackinac, and Chicago, would in- 
evitably fall into the hands of the enemy. Near the 
Miami of the Lake, I received the order which has 
been referred to, informing me of the declaration of 
war, and to march to Detroit. Had I not received 
this order, and the operations had been left to my 
discretion, I should not have marched to Detroit, 
eighteen miles in rear of the enemy, from a different 
quarter. I had served under General Washington 
from the commencement to the end of the Revolution- 
ary war. I had observed how cautious he was in all 
his movements, to preserve a communication with his 
magazines." 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 349 

Colonel Proctor had arrived with reinforcements 
at Maiden, and taken the command. One of his first 
acts was, to throw a detachment across the river to 
Brownstown, consisting of a small number of the 41st 
and of Indians, under Tecumseh, tooccupy the woods 
and prevent provisions from reaching General Hull's 
army, along its communications. General Hull at 
the same time received intelligence, that a party of 
volunteers from Ohio had arrived at the river Raisin, 
escorting some cattle, destined for the supply of the 
army. General Hull detached two hundred men, un- 
der Major Vanhorne, with orders to proceed to the 
river Raisin, and guard these cattle safely to the camp. 
Major Vanhorne's party was suddenly attacked by the 
Indians, and entirely defeated. 

Brock's biographer says, that but seventy Indians 
were engaged, and no British, and adds, that " in this 
affair, General Hull's despatches, and the correspond- 
ence of his army, fell into the hands of Tecumseh, 
and it was partly the desponding nature of their con- 
tents, which afterwards induced Major-General Brock 
to attempt the capture of the American army." * 

* " On this occasion the force of The enemy had a gi'eat advantage 

the enemy was greatly exaggerated, in the ground, but in point of num- 

as it was in many other instances, bars, he was not superior. I do not 

Major Vanhorne, though a gentleman wish to detract from the real merit 

and a soldier, was certainly not en- of Vanhorne, but at Detroit in Oct. 

titled to the praise bestowed upon 1813, I was informed by an Ameri- 

hun by some of his countrymen. Be- can gentleman of high standing, who 

ing warned of his danger, he should had made particular inquiry, that 

have taken care to prevent a sur- the force of the enemy in this case, 

prise, and had he done so, he would did not exceed 40 British and 70 

doubtless have been victorious. Indians, and this statement is cor- 



350 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

Neither Major Vanhorne nor his troops appear to very 
great advantage in this affair. Vanhorne, in his tes- 
timony, says, that when they were attacked he order- 
ed them to retreat to the edge of the wood, instead of 
attempting to charge; that he imagined from the num- 
ber of guns fired, the enemy to be most numerous ; 
that the men retreated a quarter of a mile before they 
could be got into line, and that even then, though no 
enemy was in sight, and the firing had ceased, he or- 
dered them to retreat again — whereupon, it seems, 
they ran away in disorder, and the loss was 18 killed, 
12 wounded, and 70 missing. Yet Major Vanhorne 
was one of the officers who afterwards testified, on 
General Hull's trial, that his Commander was, in his 
opinion, under the influence of fear at the time of the 
surrender. General Hull's communications were now 
effectually cut off, and this was the second source of 
difficulty in his situation. 

Third. — It will be remembered that, according to 
the plan of the Northwestern Campaign, advised by 
General Hull and approved by the Secretary of War, 
it was determined that Canada should be invaded by 
two co-operating armies. From two points, Detroit 
and Niagara, armies were to march simultaneously 
into Upper Canada. The charge of one had been 
confided to General Hull, and he had thus far per- 
formed all that had been required of him. He had 



roborated by the fact, that the main a large detachment to the American 

army was still in Canada, and the side." See McAffee's History, page 

British being in daily expectation of 75. 
an attack onMalden,wouldnotsend 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 35] 

cut a road through the wilderness, and with an ener- 
gy and celerity, to which even the British bore testi- 
mony,* had reached Detroit, and invaded Canada. 
He did this, fully relying on promised co-operation 
and support. He had so often and so urgently repre- 
sented the necessity of a fleet on Lake Erie, co-op- 
eration at Niagara, and reinforcements from Ohio, that 
he had depended on his Government for this support. 
He was disappointed in all. All these measures were 
seen and admitted to be important, but their execu- 
tion was delayed, until the fate of his army was 
sealed. 

Large reinforcements were ordered from Ohio and 
Kentucky, but not soon enough to open General Hull's 
communications, or afford him any relief. A fleet was 
placed on Lake Erie, but it was not till a year after 
the surrender of Detroit. Forces were at last assem- 
bled at Niagara, but not until General Hull's army 
had been captured. 

As early as June 26th, Major General Dearborn 
was ordered to proceed to Albany and prepare the 
force to be collected at that place, for actual serviced 
In this letter it was said, " Preparations, it is pre- 
sumed, will be made to move in a direction for Nia- 
gara, Kingston, or Montreal." This was in accord- 
ance with a plan of the campaign submitted to the 

* "Should General Hull be com- nary character of enterprise." — Sir 

pelled to relinquish his operations George Prevost's letter of July 31st 

against Amherstburg, it will be pro- to General Brock. 

per that his future movements be f See appendix for the official cor- 

most carefully observed, as his late respondence of General Dearborn 

march exhibits a more _than ordi- and the Secretary of War. 



352 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

Secretary of War by General Dearborn himself, by 
which Canada was to be invaded from Detroit, Nia- 
gara, Sacket's Harbour, and Lake Champlain — the 
two last armies being destined for Kingston and Mon- 
treal. But owing either to the want of preparation 
in the country at large, to the dilatory proceedings of 
the Administration, the negligence of General Dear- 
born, or all these causes united, the result was, that 
General Hull's army was the only one which was 
able to invade Canada at all, till long after this time. 
Indeed, so great was the confusion and want of plan 
at Washington and Albany, that General Dearborn 
did not even know whether or not he was to have the 
command of the troops at Niagara. The Secretary 
of War writes to him July 26th, telling him of General 
Hull's arrival at Detroit, and saying, " arrangements 
should immediaiehj be made by you for co-operating 
with him at Niagara.'^'' 

But General Dearborn meantime writes to the 
Secretary of War from Albany, July 28th, asking 
" who is to have the comtnand of the operations in Up- 
per Canada? I take it for granted, that my command 
does not extend to that distant quarter.'^''* No troops 
being collected at Niagara, and it being very appa- 
rent to General Brock that there was no attack to be 
feared in that quarter, he was able to send troops to 
reinforce Maiden. f No troops being collected at Sack- 

* Defence of General Dearborn " My last to your Excellency was 

by his son, Boston, 1824. dated the 12th inst., since which 

f Letter of General Brock to nothing extraordinary has occurred 

Sir George Prevost, July 20, 1812 : in this communication. The enemy 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 353 

et's Harbour, and no movement being made on Lake 
Champlain, Sir George Prevost was able to send 
troops to Upper Canada.* Nor was this all". Instead 
of co-operating with General Hull, General Dearborn 
acceded to an armistice, proposed by Sir George Pre- 
vost, by which he agreed that the troops opposed to 
each other at Niagara should act on the defensive 
only : thus allowing General Brock to send reinforce- 
ments to Maiden, while he deprived himself of the 
power of aiding General Hull by demonstrations on 
the Niagara frontier. 

General Hull found himself therefore entirely de- 
prived of the assistance on which he had depended.! 



has evidently diminished his force, 
and appears to have no intention of 
making an immediate attack. * * * * 
Should the communication between 
Kingston and Montreal be cut off, 
the fate of the troops in this part of 
the province will be decided. * * * 
It is evidently not the intention of 
the enemy to make any attempt to 
penetrate into the province by this 
strait, unless the present force be 
diminished." 

* " You may rely on every exer- 
tion being made to preserve uninter- 
rupted the communication between 
Kingston and Montreal, and that I 
will also give all possible support to 
your endeavours to overcome every 
difficulty. One hundred effective of 
the Newfoundland, and fifty picked 
men of the Veterans, left this in 
boats on Thursday ; they were in- 
tended to reinforce the garrison at 

23 



Kingston. I am glad to find that 
the nev/ anival-of the Royals, , 
expected at Quebec to-morrow, will 
give you the reinforcement of the 
49th Regiment, which, with the de- - 
tachment of the Newfowidland and 
Veterans, and gun-boat No. 7, will 
add something to your present 
strength. I shall order Major 
Ormsby, with three companies of the • 
49th Regiment, to proceed from > 
Montreal to Kingston, to be disposed ! 
of as you may find necessary." 
Letters to General Brock from Sir ■ 
George Prevost and his officers at 
Quebec, from 31st July to 2d Au- • 
gust. 

f " Those who are most severe 
in their condemnation of General 
Hull admit the injury inflicted on 
him by these measures of the Com- 
manding General. Thus Arm- 
strong (Notices, &c.. Vol. I. p. 97) 



354 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

He is told bj the Secretary of War (June 24), which 
letter was not received until the 9th of July, that " an 
adequate force cannot soon be relied upon for the 

speaks as follows : " We have al- British posts in his front, as would 

ready stated, that to lessen the pres- have the effect of preventing them 

sure on General Hull and to rein- from reinforcing the garrison of 

state the ascendency he had lost on Maiden ; or otherwise altering the 

the Detroit, Major (leneral Dear- relations as to strength, which liad 

born, who, in the distribution of hitherto existed between Hull and 

service for the year 1812, had been Proctor. But for this service, the 

assigned to the command of the Major-General had made no prepar- 

Northern army, was directed to ation, and appeared to have little 

make such movements against the relish,* as on the very day on which 

» In the General's letter of the 8th August, we find an apology for this in- 
;action, quite as unjustifiable as the inaction itself " Till now," he says, " I 
did not consider the Niagara frontier as coming within the limits of my com- 
mand" — an assertion directly contradicted by the armistice entered into 
between him and Prevost, and utterly inconsistent with the orders he received 
from the 26th of June to the 1st of August. For these orders, see Appendix 
No. 10 to Armstrong's Notices of the War of 1812, as follows: 

" Orders given to General Dearborn by the Secretary of War, in relation 
10 the Niagara frontier. 

" June 26, 1812. Your preparations (at Albany), it is presumed, will be 
made to move in a direction for Niagara, Kingston, and Montreal. 

" July 15. On your arrival at Albany, your attention will be directed to 
the security of the Northern fronUer by the Lakes. July 20th. You will 
make such arrangements with Governor Tompkins as will place the militia, 
detached by him for the Niagara and other posts on the Lake , under your 
control. July 29th. Should it be advisable to make any other disposition of 
these restless people (the warriors of the Seneca Tribe of Indians), you will 
give orders to Mr. Granger and the commanding officer at Niagara. August 
1st. You will make a diversion in favour of him (General Hull) at Niagara 
and Kingston, as soon as may be practicable." How, we would ask, is it 
possible for the General, with these orders in his Portfolio, to believe that the 
Niagara frontier had not been within the limits of his command ? And if he 
did so believe, by what authority did he extend the armistice (entered into be- 
tween him and Prevost), to that frontier ? As, however, the inaction which 
enabled Brock to leave his posts on the Niagara undisturbed and unmenaced, 
and even to carry with him a part of his force to Detroit, and there to cap- 
ture Hull, his army and territory, was not noticed by any kind of disapproba- 
tion on the part of the Government, the inference is fair that it (the 
■Government) was willing to take the responsibility on itself 

No. 11 of Armstrong's Notices in the Appendix, is the following. "Ex- 
tract of a letter from Sir George Prevost to General Brock, dated 30th of Au- 
gust, 1812 : 

" I consider it most fortunate, that I have been able to prosecute this 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 355 

xeduction of the enemy's posts below you." From 
the north he hears of the fall of Michilimackinac and 
of the approach of 2000 hostile Indian warriors and 
1200 employees of the Northwest Company. In front 
of his own army, he finds reinforcements continually 
arriving, of regulars and militia, to strengthen the 
British troops at Maiden. On the Lake, his communi- 
cations were cut off by the British fleet ; on the south, 
by land, his communications were cut off by the In- 
dians, and an attempt to restore them by Vanhorne's 
detachment, had been unsuccessful. Within his own 
army, ignorant and incapable of understanding this 
state of things, there was a spirit of insubordination 
and mutiny, fostered and encouraged even by the 
militia officers themselves. In this state of affairs, 
on the 7th of August he received letters from General 
Hall and General Porter, commanding at Niagara and 
Black Rock, informing him that a large number of 
boats filled with British troops had passed over Lake 



he was thus instructed by the Gov- by vigorously assailing the British 

emment, (though sufficiently ap- posts in his front, (now rendered 

prised that detachments had been comparatively weak by the absence 

sent to Maiden, and that the situation of Brock and the troops carried 

of Hull was becoming more critical with him,) or by extending to him 

every moment,) he did not hesitate and his army the benefits of the 

to enter into an armistice, by which temporary suspension of hostiUties 

he completely disabled himself from into which he had entered." 
giving any aid to that officer ; either 



object of the Government (the armistice), without interfering with your oper- 
ations on the Detroit. I have sent you men, money, and stores of all kinds." 
See Life and Services of Sir George Prevost ; — a ruse de guerre, as credita- 
ble to the shrewdness and sagacity of Sir George Prevost, as it was disrepu- 
table, for the obtuseness or treachery of General Dearborn.] 



356 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

Ontario to the west part of it, and were directing 
their course to Maiden ; and likewise that the British 
forces, with the Canadian militia and savages, on the 
opposite side of the Niagara river, were moving by 
water to the same point ; and what was more deci- 
sive still. General Hull was informed by the same 
letters, that no assistance or co-operation would be 
afforded from that quarter to the troops under his 
command. 

Under these circumstances to attack Maiden, even 
if the attack were successful, would have been useless. 
To take Maiden, would not open the Lake nor the 
forest ; would bring no supplies to his troops, and it 
must soon have fallen again for want of them. The 
first thing to be done w^as, to re-open the communica- 
tion through the wilderness to Ohio. For this pur- 
pose, General Hull re-crossed with his army to Detroit 
on the evening of the 7th of August, leaving a suffi- 
cient body of troops intrenched and fortified on the 
other bank, to enable him to regain the British shore, 
as soon as his communications were clear. 

The afternoon of the day in which the army 
completed crossing the river. Colonel Miller of the 4th 
regiment was detached with a body of 600 men, 
consisting of the eftective men of his own regiment 
and a selection of the most effective of the militia. 
They took with them a company of artillery, with a 
six-pounder and a howitzer, and a company of cavalry. 

About fourteen miles from Detroit, at Maguago^ 
they met a body of British soldiers and Indians in 
trenched behind a breastwork of logs 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 357 

The British were commanded by Major Muir 
of the 41st, and the Indians by Tecumseh. 

Notwithstanding the advantages of their position, 
Colonel Miller was enabled, by a gallant charge, to 
break their line, and force them from it at the point 
of the bayonet. The British and Indians retreated, 
and were pursued about two miles. 

The communications with the river Raisin were 
now opened, and the distance from the battle ground 
was only sixteen or eighteen miles, and yet, instead 
of marching on, Colonel Miller and his troops return- 
ed to Detroit. The reasons assigned were, that the 
troops had thrown down their knapsacks of provisions 
at the beginning of the action, which were lost ; that 
they had to wait till provisions could be sent from 
Detroit the next day ; that they did not get these pro- 
visions till late the next day, and they were only 
sufficient for one or two meals, and that Colonel 
Miller sent for a further supply, and a storm of rain 
coming on, they were ordered back to Detroit.* 

* " It is plain," says Armstrong, enemy, could have reached the river 

•" that Col. Miller should have Raisin in a day, and without suffer- 

marched on, even if it had been ne- ing much from the want of provi- 

cessary to carry him in a litter, for sions." 

he was not morq than twenty-two It seems evident either that Miller 

miles" (Miller says in his testimony, vs^as to blame for not going on, or 

■sixteen or eighteen) " from Col. that the difficulties of the road along 

Brush, who had 150 men and plenty the river were so groat that it could 

of provisions. If he had been too not be kept permanently open by 

sick to proceed in any manner, one any force Gen. Hull was able to 

•of the other Colonels should have emplciy. As Colonel Miller has al- 

been sent in his place, without wait- ways shown himself an able and 

ilng for more supplies from Detroit, gallant officer, the last supposition 

The detachment havinor beaten tlie is no doubt the true one. 



358 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

General Hull's account of this transaction and 
his subsequent steps, is as follows : 

Extract from Hull's Memoirs, page 73 : " As 
soon as I received an account of the action, a rein- 
forcement of one hundred men, with a supply of 
provisions under the command of Colonel McArthur,^ 
was ordered to join Colonel Miller's detachment at 
Maguago. As soon as the detachment had recruited 
from its fatigue, my intention was, that it should have 
proceeded on the expedition to the river Raisin. A 
severe storm of rain intervened, and the troops were 
exposed to it, without any covering. I therefore 
thought it expedient, on account of their great fatigue^, 
to order them back to Detroit, and make an arrange- 
ment by another route to open the communication. 

" The road to the river Raisin, which passed 
through the Indian village of Brownstown, being 
principally on the margin of the Detroit river, both 
troops and convoys could easily be annoyed by the 
gun-boats and armed vessels of the enemy. Besides,, 
in its course, there was only the river which sepa- 
rated it from the enemy's principal post at Maiden. 
Being thus situated, it was almost impossible to se- 
cure it in such a manner as that convoys could pass 
with any kind of safety. After Colonel Miller's re- 
turn to Detroit, therefore, seeing the indispensable 
necessity of obtaining the supplies which had arrived 
at the river Raisin, and being informed of a circuitous 
route, distant from the river, I thought it expedient 
to make the attempt in that direction. I communi- 
cated my intentions to Colonels McArthur and Cass.„ 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 359 

and they not only fully approved of the measure, but 
offered then- services as volunteers, on the expedition. 
I likewise communicated to them a letter from Cap- 
tain Brush, who commanded the escort of provisions, 
informing me that he should take the back road, and 
should have occasion for support. I authorized 
Colonels McArthur and Cass to select the most 
healthy and effective men of their regiments, and di- 
rected the Quarter-Master to furnish pack-horses to 
carry provisions for them during their march. On 
the 14th of August, they commenced their march, 
under the command of Colonel McArthur, attended 
by Colonel Cass." 



360 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 



CHAPTER III. 

Situation of Genekal Hull — Brock's arrival at Malden. — Surrender 
OF Detroit. — Its Reasons. — State of Communications, Troops, Pro- 
visions. 

We have seen that General Hull made three at- 
tempts to open his communications to Ohio. The 
first was on August 4th, by means of Major Van- 
horne's detachment of 200 men, which was defeated 
by a small body of British and Indians. The second 
was on August 8th, by Colonel Miller's detachment 
of 600 men, who defeated the enemy, but returned 
to Detroit without effecting their object. The third 
was by means of McArthur and Cass's detachment, 
which set out August 14th, to go by a back route. 

While these operations were taking place in the 
American camp, Major-General Brock had been 
making energetic efforts to reinforce and reheve 
Maiden. He had sent Colonel Proctor, an officer in 
whom he placed much confidence, to take the com- 
mand in the place of St. George. Reinforcements 
had been sent with him, and previously some militia 
were ordered to proceed to Long Point, on Lake 
Erie, where General Brock soon followed. He left 
York on the 6th of August,* taking with him a body 

* Life of Brock, page 224. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. ggj 

of 250 militia from that place ; on his way he held 
a Council with the Mohawks on Grand river, who 
promised him a reinforcement; and embarked at 
Long Point on Lake Erie, with about 300 militia, 
besides his regulars, and proceeded by water to Am- 
herstburg or Maiden. He reached Amherstburg on 
the 13th of August, and had an interview with Te- 
cumseh, and held a Council, which was attended by 
1000 Indian warriors. ' They expressed their joy at 
General Brock's arrival, and their determination to 
assist him to the last drop of their blood. On the 
15th of August, he sent a summons to General Hull, 
calling on him to surrender the fort.f General Hull 
answered that he had no other reply to make, than 
to say, that he was prepared to meet any force at his 
disposal, and any consequences which might result 
from the exercise of it. 



* Life of Brock, page 228. The join in a war of extermination ; but 
number here incidentally given, you must be aware that the numer- 
shows the actual Indian force at ous bodies of Indians who have at- 
Detroit, to be much greater than tached themselves to my troops, 
was afterwards stated. Indians will be beyond my control, the mo- 
love war, and these were inflamed ment the contest commences. You 
with animosity and hope of plunder, will find me disposed to enter into 
It is not likely that any of this such conditions as will satisfy the 
thousand were absent at the time of most scrupulous sense of honour, 
the attack, nor is it probable, that all Lieutenant-Colonel McD(jnnel and 
the Indians were present at the Major Glegg are fully authorized to 
Council. conclude any arrangements that 

f General Brock's letter was as may lead to prevent the unnecessary 

follows : " The force at my disposal, effusion of blood, 
authorizes me to require of you the (Signed) Isaac Brock, 

immediate surrender of Fort De- Major-General,^^ 

troit. It is far from my intention to 



362 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

That afternoon a fire was opened upon Detroit, 
from a battery erected opposite, at Sandwich, and the 
cannonade was returned by an American battery of 
24-pounders. General Hull immediately sent word 
to Colonels McArthur and Cass to return to Detroit, 
with their detachment. Early the next morning 
General Brock crossed the river about five miles be- 
low Detroit, having sent over a large force of Indian 
warriors the night before, to protect his landing, 
which was also made under cover of two ships of war. 
According to his own official account, his forces con- 
sisted of 330 regulars, 400 militia, and 600 Indians, 
or 1330 in all ; but no doubt it exceeded this number, 
as we have seen that 1000 Indians met at the Coun- 
cil tw o days before, and that commanders are very apt, 
even when meaning to tell the truth, to exaggerate 
the enemy's forces and underrate their own. General 
Brock certainly did the one, in estimating General 
Hull's force at 2500, since there is no possible mode 
of making it amount to one-half of that number. 
Colonel Cass, vi^hose object evidently was to make 
Brock's force as small, and Hull's as large as possi- 
ble, and who estimates the former at 300 less than 
General Brock's own estimate, does not make Gene- 
ral Hull's effective force more than 1060 in all. We 
shall see, hereafter, that it was much less than this. 

General Brock's intention in crossing the river 
was, to wait in a strong position the effect of his 
force, displayed before the American camp ; but hear- 
ing of Colonel McArthur's absence with 500 men, 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 3g3 

he decided on an immediate attack.* He there- 
fore advanced toward the fort, and was preparing for 
an assault, when General Hull determined to surren- 
der ; an act which, condemned as it has been, we 
cannot but consider, on maturest reflection, the bravest 
and noblest action of a life, hitherto universally re- 
garded as that of a brave and patriotic man. 

It would have required very little courage to fight. 
General Hull had been in many battles of the Revo- 
lution. There probably was not an officer or soldier 
in his whole army, who had seen half as much of war 
as himself. He had led a column of seven companies 
at the taking of Stony Point with the bayonet, under 
General Wayne ; for his conduct in which action he 
received the thanks of Washington, and promotion in 



* General Brock's despatch of 
17th of August. General Brock 
knew very well what he was about. 
He knew the weakness of the 
American camp and the difficulties 
with which they were surrounded. 
He knew that they were probably 
in want of provisions, for he had 
expressed the opinion in a letter to 
Sir George Prevost, that this want 
had induced General Hull to invade 
Canada : " I doubt whether General 
Hull had instructions to cross on this 
side the river. I rather suspect he was 
compelled by want of provisions" 
{Letter of Brock, July 29l]i), and he 
knew that his supplies had been since 
cut off for a long time. General 
Brock thus speaks in a letter of Sep. 
3d : " Some say that notliing could 



be more desperate than the measure ; 
but I answer, that the state of the 
province admitted only of desperate 
remedies. I got possession of the let- 
ters my antagonist addressed to the 
Secretary of War, and also of the 
sentiments which hundreds of his 
army uttered to their friends. Con- 
fidence in their General was gone, 
and evident despondency prevailed 
throughout. I crossed the river, 
contrary to the opinion of Colonel 
Proctor, Sic, it is therefore no won- 
der that envy sliould attribute to 
good fortune, what in justice to my 
own discernment, I must say, pro- 
ceeded from a cool calculation of 
the pours and centres." Brock'a 
Life, page 267. 



364 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

the service. He was in the midst of the battle of 
White Plains, and was there wounded. 

He was in the battles of Trenton and Princeton, 
and was promoted for his conduct in those engage- 
ments. He fought at Ticonderoga, at Bemis' 
Heights, in the battle of October 7th, at Monmouth, 
Morrissania, and other places, and led regiments and 
battalions in most of these actions. Now the courage 
which can engage in a battle is very much a thing of 
habit. Many men are cowards in their first battle ; 
almost all men are brave in their tenth. Is it likely, 
therefore, that General Hull should have been the 
only man in his army, disabled by fear, from fighting 
General Brock ? Is not this supposition an absurdity ? 
What then were his reasons, as given by himself? Ge- 
neral Hull was now in the position in which, as he 
had stated before the war to the Administration, De- 
troit must fall. His communications to Ohio were 
cut off by the Indians in the woods; his communica- 
tion by the Lake, by the British vessels ; and he had 
no co-operation below, at Niagara. Under these cir- 
cumstances, the fall of Detroit was inevitable. If he 
should fight a battle and defeat the British army, this 
result would not be less inevitable, for a victory would 
not re-open his communications. Besides this, his 
forces were vastly inferior to those of the enemy ; his 
provisions were nearly exhausted, and there was no 
possibility of obtaining a supply from any quarter. If 
he were to fight, he would save his own reputation, 
but could not save the army or territory, and he 
would be exposing the defenceless inhabitants of 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 3g5 

Michigan to all the horrors of Indian warfare, without 
a reason or an object. Under these circumstances, 
it would be the part of a selfish man to fight ; it was 
the part of a brave and generous man, to hazard the 
sacrifice of his own reputation as a soldier, and his 
own selfish feelings, to his duty as a Governor and a 
man. General Hull did the last — and to the time of 
his death, never regretted it for a moment. In dis- 
grace ; condemned to death as a coward ; believed to 
be a traitor by the ignorant ; seeing the success of his 
calumniators, who built their fortunes on the ruin of 
his own ; he was always calm, tranquil, and happy. 
He knew that his country would one day also under- 
stand him, and that history would at last do him jus- 
tice. He was asked, on his death-bed, whether he 
still believed he had done right, in the surrender of 
Detroit — and he replied, that he did, and was thank- 
ful that he had been enabled to do it. 

The defence of General Hull rests mainly on the 
following propositions : 

1. An army in the situation of that of General 
Hull, August 16th — cut off from its supplies, and with 
no adequate means of opening its communications — 
must inevitably fall. 

2. That in this situation, to fight, would have 
been a useless expenditure of life, and would have 
unnecessarily exposed the inhabitants of the Territory 
to Indian cruelties. 

3. That this situation was not his fault, but that 
of the General Government, of General Dearborn, and 
of circumstances for which no one is perhaps respon- 
sible. 



SQQ HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

4. That the troops of General Hull, on August 
16th, were much inferior in number to General 
Brock's. 

5. That the provisions of the army were nearly 
exhausted, and no further supplies could be obtained. 

We will now advance the arguments and facts 
which will establish these propositions. 

I. An army in the situation of that of General 
Hull, August 16th, must inevitably fall. 

This a})pears from the following considerations. 
General Hull was posted twenty miles in the rear of 
the enemy's principal fortress. He was between two 
and three hundred miles distant from the base of his 
operations, from which all his supplies were to be 
drawn. His communication with those supplies was 
through a wilderness, filled with hostile Indians, and 
for seventy-five miles along a river and lake, exposed 
to the cannon of the British ships. This communica- 
tion was now completely cut off, and two attempts at 
re-opening it had failed. The Lake was in the ene- 
my's power, and could not be taken from them. He 
was informed that no diversion was to be made in 
his favour at Niagara, to draw off the enemy's troops 
from before him. If he should fight, and destroy the 
army in his front, the enemy's ships and Indians 
would still remain controlling the line of his commu- 
nications. 

No proposition in military affairs is more univer- 
sally admitted than this, that an army separated from 
its supplies, must fall. History is full of instances 
in support of it — and one of the main efforts of strat- 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. QQ'J 

egic art, is always to protect one's own communica- 
tions from the approach of the enemy, and to cut off 
his. The line between an army and its magazines is 
its most vital and tender part. 

Every thing in fact goes to show, that the power 
which held the Lake, must also keep possession both 
of Detroit and Maiden. When General Harrison 
had advanced with a large army in September, 1812, 
to the neighbourhood of Detroit, he first proposed to 
take it by coup de main. He then relinquished this 
plan as impracticable, and formed a second, which 
was to accumulate large supplies of men and provi- 
sions at the Rapids of the Miami, and then to move 
forward from that point in October. But he found it 
necessary to relinquish this project also, and next de- 
termined to accomplish the same result by a winter 
expedition. But he was finally obliged to wait a 
whole year, until Perry's fleet was built, and the 
naval victory of September, 1813, gained, which 
gave the control of Lake Erie to the Americans. As 
soon as this event took place, the British Commander 
evacuated Detroit and Maiden, without even waiting 
for the American forces to appear. Detroit and Mai- 
den fell naturally into the power of the United States, 
almost without an effort, the moment that Lake Erie 
was under its control. 

n. It has been frequently said that supplies of 
provisions might have been procured by General Hull 
from the Territory itself. This statement was first 
made by Colonel Cass, in his celebrated letter of 
September 10th, 1812, and has been repeated after 



3g8 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1815, 

him by a multitude of writers, none of whom have 
taken pains to examine whether there was any foun- 
dation for it or not. Colonel Cass's words are : " The 
state of our provisions has not been generally under- 
stood. On the day of surrender we had fifteen days' 
provisions of every kind on hand. Of meat, there 
was plenty in the country, and arrangements had 
been made for purchasing and grinding flour. It was 
calculated we could readily procure three months' 
provisions, independent of 150 barrels of flour, and 
1300 head of cattle, which had been forwarded from 
Ohio, and which remained at the river Raisin, under 
Captain Brush, within reach of the army." 

If this statement is correct, of course the surrender 
of General Hull's army cannot be defended on the 
ground of a want of provisions. We shall show here- 
after, that it was impossible that fifteen or even five 
days' provision should have been on hand at the time 
of the surrender, and that Colonel Cass had no means 
of knowing it, and no ground for making the state- 
ment. As to the cattle and flour at the river Raisin, 
" within reach of the army," we have seen, that be- 
fore General Brock crossed the river, Major Van- 
horne and Colonel Miller had both attempted to 
reach it, the one with 200 and the other with 600 
men, and that both had failed. Was it more attain- 
able now, when General Brock's regulars and militia, 
and a thousand Indians, at least, under Tecumseh, 
were between it and Detroit ? In the statement, that 
three months' provisions could be obtained in the 
country. Colonel Cass gives no authority. He cau- 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OTF DETROIT. 359 

tiously says, " It was calculated." Who made the 
calculation does not appear. But it is verj remarka- 
ble, that only one month before the date of this let- 
ter, and four days before the surrender. Colonel Cass 
should have made quite a different statement to Gov- 
ernor Meigs. 

In a letter to Governor Meigs, dated August 12th, 
and signed by Colonel Cass, he says : "The letter 
of the Secretary of War to you, a copy of which I 
have seen, authorizes you to preserve and keep open 
the communication from the State of Ohio to Detroit. 
It is all important that it should he kept open. Our 
very existence depends upon it. Our supplies must 
come from our State. This country does not furnish 
them. In this existing state, nothing but a large 
force, of 2000 men at least, will effect the object.* 

But this was not the only letter in which Colonel 
Cass expressed his opinion. On General Hull's trial,. 
Willis Silliman, a brother in-law of Colonel Cass by 
marriage with his sister, testified, that he had received 
a letter from Colonel Cass, dated August 12th, which 
said : " Our situation is become critical. If things 

a 

get worse, you will have a letter from me, giving a 
particular statement of this business. Bad as you 
may think of our situation, it is still worse than you 
believe. I cannot descend into particulars, lest this 
should fall into the hands of the enemy." 

Silliman testified, that he had another letter from 
Colonel Cass, dated 3d August, in which he urged 
him to use his exertions to hasten the march of troops 



* McAffee, page 83. 
24 



370 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

from Ohio ; and said, that men and provisions were 
both necessary, and would be necessary ; and that 
^^ provisions are or would he necessary for the existence 
of the troops.''^ Two other witnesses, who had read 
these letters, confirmed Silliman's testimony.* Colonel 
Cass as we have seen, in his letter of September 10th, 
declares, that " three months' provisions" could easily 
be procured in Michigan, for the supply of the army. 
As a witness on General Hull's trial, he testified to 
the same effect, under oath. General Hull was on 
trial for his life, and Colonel Cass swore, " that his 
opinion, founded on the opinion of the inhabitants 
and upon experience, was, that provisions might have 
been procured there, sufficient for the support of the 
army for three or four months." 

It was very improper that an opinion should be 
received as evidence on a trial for a capital offence ; 
and yet this opinion, we have seen, wasin contradiction 
to his previous statements to Governor Meigs and Mr. 
Silliman. Colonel Snelling also testified on General 
Hull's trial (Forbes, page 41), that he did not know oi 
any scarcity of provisions. 



* Hull's Triiil, Forbes' Report, p. Brock," it is said, that at the defeat 

135. Silliman's testimony, and that of Vanhorne's detacb.ment, " General 

of Peter Mills and Daniel Comjers. Hull's despatches and the corres- 

Also of Public Records, War Office, pondence of his troops, fell into the 

Washington. If many such letters hands of Tecumseh, and it was 

as this were written by the officers partly the desponding nature of 

of General Hull's army, we can un- their contents which afterwards in- 

derstand how those taken by Brock duced Major-General Brock to at- 

should have encouraged him to at- tempt the capture of the American 

tack Detroit. In the " Life of army." Page 223. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 37] 

Captain Baker (page 85) said, on the same trial, 
*« lam of opinion, that there was plenty of cattle and 
grain in the country." — But of any facts on which he 
grounded that opinion, he was wholly silent. On the 
other hand, what was the testimony of those who 
had a knowledge of facts, and something else besides 
a vague opinion to adduce ? It was proved by com- 
petent witnesses, that so far from there being a sur- 
plus of cattlo and grain in the country, to support the 
army for three months, the country had never pro- 
duced enough for the supply of its own inhabitants 
in time of peace.* 

Captain Maxwell (Forbes' Report, p. 128) testi- 
fied on Hull's trial, that he had lived thirteen vears 
in Ohio, and had been engaged every year in driving 
cattle and hogs from thence to Detroit market ; from 
1000 to 1500 hogs annually, and from 150 to 200 
head of cattle. 

Captain Dyson, of 1st artillery, testified (Hull's 
Trial, page 134) " that he, witness, was in command 
at Detroit from 1805 to 1808; that a great number 
of cattle and hogs were driven thither from Ohio ; 
that the contractors got the principal of the pork by 
that means ; that the inhabitants could buy cheaper 
than they could raise them, and there was not enough 
raised to subsist the inhabitants ; that the Canadian 
people were not industrious in cultivating their 
farms." 

* " The population of Michigan miserable farmers, and depended 
at this time, was about 6000 souls, chiefly on hunting, fishing, and trad- 
Most of those who cultivated the ing with the Indians, for their sup- 
3and, were Canadians. They were port." — Hull's Memoirs, page 76. 



372 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

Colonel Watson testified (Hull's Trial, page 148} 
that he had lived in the Territory of Michigan six years, 
up to the time of the surrender ; that in 1810 he had 
taken the census, and found the number of inhabit- 
ants in the whole Territory 4762, of which the dis- 
trict of Detroit, which extended 35 miles along the 
river, contained 2227 ; that in taking the census he 
had particularly inquired of the heads of families 
as to the produce of the country, and that into De- 
troit district " great quantities of flour and whisky 
were brought from New-York and Pennsylvania, and 
of cattle and hogs from Ohio; these last are pur- 
chased by the inhabitants for their consumption, and 
in times of peace, they are also purchased by the 
British agents, and carried to Maiden. The cattle 
and hogs were consumed by the inhabitants." 

We have, then, on the one side^ the opinions of 
Colonel Cass and others, after the surrender of De- 
troit, founded on vague impressions, conversations with 
persons unknown, and upon ignorance of any thing 
to the contrary, that there was provision enough in 
the country to last an army of 1500 men two or three 
months. On the other hand, we have the written 
opinion of Colonel Cass before the surrender, that 
supplies must come from Ohio, for that Michigan did 
not furnish them ; and testimony to prove that the in- 
habitants did actually purchase provisions for their 
own consumption, from Ohio and elsewhere. 

If any thing more is needed to show that no supplies 
could be procured in Michigan, we have an incidental 
proof in General Brock's letters. Before the surren- 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 373 

der, we have seen, that he supposed that General 
Hull had been driven into Canada bj want of provi- 
sions. And in a letter, dated September 9th, 1812,* 
he writes thus to Sir George Prevost : 

" It appears evident the enemy meditates a second 
attempt oa Amherst burg. The greater parts of the 
troops which are advancing, marched from Kentucky, 
with an intention of Joining General Hull. How they 
are to subsist, even /or a short period, in that already 
exhausted country, is no easy matter to conceive. This 
difficulty will probably decide them on some bold 
measure, in the hope of shortening the campaign. If 
successfully resisted, their fate is inevitable." 

If it be suggested, that if General Hull had de- 
fended himself, supplies would have been brought 
from Ohio for his army, accompanied by a force suffi- 
ciently large to open the communications, and keep 
them open, we answer this, by referring again to Ge- 
oeral Harrison's vain attempts to reach Detroit in the 
fall and winter of 1812. He had ample means both 
in men and supplies, but he writes, (October 22d, 
1812,) " to get supplies forward, through a swampy 
wilderness of near 200 miles, in wagons or on pack- 
horses, which are to carry their provisions, is abso- 
lutely impossible. "t 

If it be said that General Hull might have saved 
his army by a retreat to the Miami, the answer is 
this : He suggested this measure to his officers, when 
the army re-crossed the river from Canada, and was 

* Life of Brock, page 286. Armstrong, Notices, &c. Vol. 1, 

f Harrison's letter, quoted bj page 69. 



374 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

told that if he did this, the militia would desen to a 
man. Nor was a retreat at that time absolutely ne- 
cessary, for there were still hopes of the communica- 
tion being opened by Miller's detachment. When 
General Brock arrived, it was too late to retreat, as 
General Hull shows,, in the following passage of his 
Memoirs of the Campaign, pp. 98 and 99 i 

" I must ask you, in this case, to examine some 
general maps of the country, from Detroit to the foot 
of the Rapids of the Miami of Lake Erie. The dis- 
tance is about seventy miles. The only road through 
which I could have retreated, runs from Detroit a& 
far as Brownstown, on the banks of the Detroit river, 
about twenty miles, and from Brownstown to the foot 
of the Rapids, about fifty miles ; in some places on,, 
and in others near the borders of Lake Erie. This 
road was very difficult to pass, a great part of it be- 
ing through a wilderness, and had only been opened 
by an army, when advancing to Detroit. Its course, 
for seventy miles, being on the margin of a navigable 
river and the Lake ; and General Brock with his army 
being opposite to Detroit, with a number of armed 
vessels, gun- boats, and a sufficient number of flats, 
to move his troops on the water ; he would have had 
such an advantage in attacking a retreating army, es- 
pecially when aided by his numerous tribes of savageSj. 
that I then thought, and I now think, that an attempt 
of the kind would have resulted in the total destruc- 
tion of the army. With his boats, protected by his. 
armed vessels and gun-boats, his troops might have 
been moved on those smooth waters, with the great- 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 375 

est celerity, and landed in the front, rear, or on the 
flank^ and harassed my march in such a manner, that 
it would have been impossible to have effected it : 
besides, we must have encountered the difficulty of 
passing a number of rivers, without boats, and over 
which there were no bridges. The only places where 
some of these rivers could have been crossed, were 
near the navigable waters, commanded by the ene- 
my's naval armament, and no boats could have been 
provided for the purpose. There would have been 
no other mode of effecting the passage, but by swim- 
ming or constructing rafts, in the face of the enemy." 

General Hull might, no doubt, have taken mea- 
sures which would have conduced to his personal ad- 
vantage, far more than those which he adopted. If 
he had had less reason and judgment, he might have 
attempted to take Maiden by storm, with his militia 
and the 4th regiment. 

No one who knows the conduct of our militia in 
all the battles in which they were engaged in 1812, 
can doubt, that, in attacking without cannon, a forti- 
fied place, defended with artillery, they would have 
been repulsed with disgrace and serious loss. There 
would have been a useless waste of life on the part of 
the army, but General Hull would have had the cre- 
dit for courage and energy, and his soldiers would 
have been made more cautious by the lesson. Then, 
when General Brock attacked Detroit, if General 
Hull had been a less* disinterested man, and had 
acted in reference to his own military credit, he would 
have attempted to defend himself. But General Hull 



376 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

had long since, during the war of the Revolution, es- 
tablished his character as a man of courage, and a 
soldier skilled in the science of war. He considered 
that it devolved upon him to protect the inhabitants 
of Detroit from the tomahawk of the savages, and he 
therefore assumed the responsibility of a capitulation, 
leaving to his officers and troops the safe glory of 
boasting what they would have done, had they only 
been permitted to fight. 

We will now show what was the state of the pro- 
visions at Detroit, at the time of the surrender, and 
we think it will appear by documentary and unques- 
tionable evidence, that they must have been nearly 
exhausted at that time. 

Here also we have, on one side, bold, repeated as- 
sertions, unsupported by any facts ; and on the other 
side, we have arguments and proofs, it has been as- 
serted over and over again, and continues to be re- 
peated, that there were ample supplies of provisions 
at Detroit, at the surrender ; and yet the testimony of 
the Government witnesses themselves, goes to prove 
the contrary. 

Colonel Cass, in his testimony (Hull's Trial, page 
23), asserts, " that the situation of the army in re- 
spect to ])rovisions, was a subject of frequent conver- 
sations between General Hull and the officers — that 
he never knew or understood, that the army ivas in 
want, or likely to ivant.^'' Yet we have seen above, 
that he wrote to Governor Meigs, that the very exist- 
ence of the army depended on supplies being sent from 
Ohio; and to his brother-in-law, Silliman, that pro- 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 377 

visions were, or would be, necessary for the existence 
of the trooj)s. 

Colonel Cass, in giving this account of his con- 
versations with General Hull, evidently means to con- 
vey the impression, that the fear of wanting- provi- 
sions, was an afterthought with General Hull him- 
self, and intended merely to justify his surrender. But 
a letter of General Hull to the Secretary of War,* 
dated July 10th, only five days after the arrival of the 
army at Detroit, speaks in the strongest manner of 
the want of provisions which must ensue, if the com- 
munication with Ohio is not kept open by troops sent 
from that State. " The communication must be se- 
cured, or this army will be without provisions. This 
must not be neglected : if it is, this army will perish 
with hunger." It is certainly extraordinary, that 
when General Hull spoke thus strongly to the Secre- 
tary of War, of the probable wants of his army, that 
he should never, "in the frequent conversations," 
which Colonel Cass says he had with him on this sub- 

* Hull's Trial, Appendix, page 9. either hire or purchase pack-horses 

" Sir, — Mr. Beard, Augustus Por- to transport the flour. I shall draw 

ter's agent here, informed me, that on you for the money necessary for 

in consequence of the Lake heing the purpose. The communication 

closed against us, he cannot furnish must be secured, or this army will 

the necessary supplies of provisions, be without provisions. Troops will 

I have therefore authorized Mr. Jno. be absolutely necessary on the road 

H. P/att of Cincinnati (now here) to protect the provisions. This must 

to furnish two hundred thousand not be neglected : if it is, this army 

rations of flour, and the same quan- wiU perish by hunger. 
tity of beef. I have engaged to I am, &c., 

give him 5 per cent, on the amount (Signed) William Hull." 

of purchases, and pay his necessary Hon. Wm. Eustis. 
expenses of transportation : he will Detroit, juiy lo, 1812. 



378 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

ject of provisions, have suggested that the army was 
even likely to be in want. It seems singular, that 
they should have talked so frequently on the subject, 
if there was no possible danger of want. Why did 
they talk about provisions at all, if they were in no 
danger of w^anting them ? 

The whole evidence which exists upon the state 
of provisions in Detroit, at the time of the surrender, 
is contained in the testimony given upon General 
Hull's trial. This evidence cannot be better summed 
up than in General Hull's own language, in his Me- 
moirs of the Campaign of 1812 : 

" Augustus Porter, of the State of New-York, was 
the contractor for furnishing this army. David Beard 
was his agent, and was present at Detroit. Mr. Beard 
was not only the agent, who did all the business at 
Detroit, but, I understood from him, had some share 
in the profits of the contract. He could have no mo- 
tive to have diminished the quantity, because the Uni- 
ted States must have paid for all that was on hand at 
the time of the capitulation. It will appear from the 
minutes of the trial, that his testimony was the last 
before I made my defence. By the contractor's 
agent's certificate, it will appear that, on the 9th of 
July, 1812, there was at Detroit 125,000 rations of 
flour, and 70,666 rations of meat ; and that on the 
28th of July, there was 70,000 rations of flour, and 
21,000 of meat. 

" Mr. Beard has certified that -this statement was 
handed to me, containing the provisions in the con- 
tractor's store, and signed by him, as will appear by 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 379 

the proceedings of the Court Martial on my trial. By 
this return, it will be seen what quantity was con- 
sumed from the 9th to the 28th of July, what quan- 
tity remained on hand the 28th of July — and by ob- 
serving the same rule of consumption, it will appear 
what quantity would have been in store on the 16th 
of August, the day of the capitulation. 

" By the data here given it will bt; shown, that if 
a ration of meat had been issued, the meat would 
have been exhausted on the 6th of August, ten days 
before the capitulation. And If, during those ten 
days, after the meat was exhausted, an additional 
quantity of flour had been issued, to make up the ra- 
tion, as was the case, the whole of the flour would 
have been exhausted on the 16th of August, the day 
of the capitulation. It appears by the return of the 
contractor, that from the 9th to the 28th of July, 
5334 rations of flour more than of meat were issued, 
and that practice was continued, in about the same 
proportion, until the 16th of August. 

" Perhaps it may be asked by those unacquainted 
with my situation and the practice of armies, why so 
many more rations were daily issued than the nuQn- 
ber of effective men which composed the army : I 
will give the answer. It will appear by the foregoing 
memoirs, that the officers and soldiers from Michili- 
mackinac had arrived at Detroit, prisoners on parole, 
and they had no other means of subsistcMice, but to 
receive rations. It likewise appears, that a large 
number of old Indian chiefs and sachems daily visited 
our camp, and were fed from the public stores, by or- 
der of the Government." 



380 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

III. We will now examine more particularly the 
number of troops under the command of General 
Brock and General Hull, respectively, at the time of 
the surrender of Detroit. 

The most erroneous accounts have been j^iv^en 
and repeated upon this point ; one writer copying 
another, and no one going back to examine the evi- 
dence on either side. General Hull's troops have 
been exaggerated to numbers far greater than even 
the Government witnesses testified as composing his 
army, at the surrender. General Brock's troops have, 
in the same way, been reduced below the number 
which he himself admits to have crossed the river 
with him to the attack. Sometimes writers have 
contradicted themselves as well as the facts. Thus 
Mr. Charles J. Ingersoll, the latest historian of the 
War, says (i)age 81), that Brock crossed " the straits 
from Sandwich to Detroit with some 1200 men ;" 
and presently after (page 82) says, " when Brock 
crossed the straits to attack Detroit, his whole force, 
white, red, and black, was but 1030." Meantime 
Brock himself, in his official report of the surrender, 
which Mr. Ingersoll might have found in half a dozen 
histories, admits his force to have been 1330, and 
specifies the number of regulars, militia, and In- 
dians.* 



* General Hull's force has been General Brock (Off. Rep.), 2500. 

thus variously estimated by different Colonel Cass (Letter September 

writers;— 10th, 1812), 1060. 

In " Defence of General Dear- Ingersoll (History of Second 

born," by his son, at 2465. War, page 82), 1350. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 33 J 

General Brock's account of his troops, as con- 
tained in his official report to Sir George Prevost, dated 
August 17th, 1812, states his forces to have been as 
follows (Brock's Life, p. 250) : 

" The force which I instantly directed to march 
against the enemy, consisted of 30 artillery, 240 of 
41st regiment, 50 Royal Newfoundland regiment, 
400 militia, and about 600 Indians, to which were 
attached three six-pounders and two three-pounders." 
General Brock's numbers then, by his own account, 
which he led to the attack of Detroit, were at least 
1330. But he does not profess to give the number 
of the Indians with accuracy, and the probability is, 
that it was much greater than is here stated. By a 
statement of Captain Glegg, General Brock's aid-de- 
camp, it appears, that three days before, a thousand 
Indians attended a Council ; and that these were war- 
riors, appears from his saying, that their equipment 
was generally very imposing.* Moreover, Lieutenant 
Forbush, an American prisoner at Maiden, testified, 
on General Hull's trial,! that he counted, on 15th of 
August, six hundred warriors, passing up (that is to 
say, from Maiden to Sandwich), some on horseback 
and some on foot. But a large body of Indians 
had attended General Brock's army, the previous day, 
from Maiden to Sandwich, and were seen by hundreds 
of persons from the opposite bank. Now, as Sand- 
wich is 18 miles from Maiden, the 600 Indians whom 
Forbush counted at Maiden, on the 15th, must have 

* Brock's Life, p. 228. f Forbes' Report, p. 146. 



382 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

been exclusive of the hundreds who were at Sand 
wich that very time. General Brock, then, had with 
him probably at least 1600 or 1700 men, when he at- 
tacked Detroit. Let us now see how many General 
Hull had with him at the same time. 

By a letter of the Secretary of War, dated April 
9th, 1812, the number of troops* originally put under 
his command were, 1200 militia from the State of 
Ohio, and the 4th United States regiment, consisting 
of 300 men. By a return dated Fort Findlay, June 
26th, while on his march, General Hull's army at that 
time, amounted to 2075. But this included all those 
on the rolls of the regiments, whether absent or 
present. It also included a number of straggling 
voluntecTS, who were not under General Hull's com- 
mand, because unauthorized by the President's order 
to Governor Meigs ; it included also the wagoners, 
pack-horse men, and other camp attendants, whose 
names must be in the returns, in order that they might 
draw rations. Thus the number of the 4ih regi- 
ment is stated in this return at 483, whereas its actual 
number was much less. 

Captain Snelling states that it had not more than 
320 effective men, and in the aggregate about 400.t 
Colonel Miller states the effective force of the regi- 
ment on 16th August, at 250 or 260.t 

The troops originally put under General Hull's 

* Hull's Memoirs, page 55. was the strength of the 4th regi- 

f Snelling's testimony, Hull's merit on the last day of July, or the 

Trial, page 42. first of August, including the de- 

t Colonol's Miller's testimony, tachment of the first?" Ans. "I 

Hull'sTrial, p. 111. Ques. "What cannot say precisely, about 300, 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 333 

command, consisted of 1500 men. To these are to 
be added the garrison of Detroit, consisting of 50, 
the volunteers who remained with the army amount- 
ing to perhaps 100, and the militia of Michigan. 
The whole population of Michigan consisted of 5000 
souls, and was scattered along the shores of the lake 
and river, and was exposed to Indian depredations 
and attacks. Few of the militia, therefore, could be 
spared from the defence of their homes. Major Jes- 
sup states the number of Michigan militia at 400, but 
this includes those absent from Detroit. 

The only testimony to the number of militia ac- 
tually present on the 16th of August, is that of Co- 
lonel Watson (Trial of Gen. Hull, p. 149), who 
states the number under Colonel Brush on that day, 
at 150, he being himself with them at the time. The 
whole number of troops under General Hull's com- 
mand from the beginning of his march until the sur- 
render, was therefore. 



1. 


Ohio Militia, 


1200 


2. 


4th United States regiment, 


300 


3 


Michigan Militia, . 


150 


4. 


Garrison at Detroit, . 


50 


5. 


Ohio Volunteers, . 


100 



1800 

From this number, we must subtract those left 
behind killed, missing, detached, &c., namely : 

principally in good health." Ques. were about 250 or 260, elTcctive for 
" What was its force on the morning duty." 
of the surrender ?" Ans. " There 



384 



HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 



1. Three Block-houses, built and garrisoned, say, 

2. Fort on the Miami, garrisoned, {^) 

3. Made prisoners on vessel, {^) 

4. Left sick at River Raisin, (^) 

5. Killed, wounded, &c., 4th August, (^) 

6. Do. do. 8th do. (') 

7. Detachment under Mc Arthur, C) 

8. Sick, («) 

Subtract 840 from 1800 leaves 960. 



(•)30 
30 
50 
25 
75 
80 
350 
200 



840 



We will now jiive other testimony as to the num- 
ber of General Hull's troops. 



* (1) Ten men for each block- 
house is certainly not a large allow- 
ance. (2) A subaltern officer and 
30 men were left at this place, by 
order of the Secretary of War. 
(Hull's Memoirs, p. 119.) (3) 
Forbnsh's testimony. "Dr. Edwards 
was directed to take chief part of 
the hospital stores, and as many of 
the men, most sick, as the vessel 
could carry." Cass's testimony, 
Trial, p. 17. " About 40 or 50 men, 
invalids, his (witness's) own servant, 
and part of his baggage, were in the 
vessel." (4) Hall's Memoirs, p. 
119. (5) Vanhorne's testimony, 
Hull's Trial, page 70. Hull's Me- 
moirs, p. 119. (6) Colonel Miller's 
testimony, Hull's Trial, p. 108. 
"The loss in the battle, in killed 
and wounded was 81 : he thinks 17 
killed on the ground and 64 wound- 
ed. (7) Hull's Trial, Cass's testi- 
mony, p. 23. " Colonel Cass then 



said, that he left Detroit on the 14th 
August, in the evening, with a de- 
tachment of about 350 men, under 
Colonel McArthur. (8) As the 
hospital stores and medicines had 
been taken in the packet by the 
British, the sick were numerous. 
We estimate them at 200, for the 
following reasons. Captain East- 
man, of 4th U. S. regiment, testified 
on Hull's Trial, p. 99, that " the 
grand aggregate of that regiment, 
including a small delachmsnt of the 
1st, then unfit for duly, and the sick, 
was 345, on I5th August. Colonel 
Miller testified p. Ill, that on the 
morning of August 16, there were 
about 250 or 260 effective for duty," 
consequently there must have been 
nearly 100 men disabled and sick in 
this single regiment. We cannot 
therefore estimate the number of 
sick in all four regiments at less 
than 200 men. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. gg5 

1. General Hull, in his official despatch giving an 
account of the surrender, sajs : " At this time the 
whole effective i'orce at mj disposal at Detroit, did 
not exceed 800 men." 

2. Major Jessup's testimony is more particular. 
In Forbes' Report of Hull's Trial, it is as follows : 
" He stated also that he had received a report from 
different adjutants of different corps, estimating the 
men fit for action, and thinks that the amount (as 
stated in General Cass's letter) exceeded 1000 men, 
including the Michigan militia of 400, and the de- 
tachments absent with Colonels Cass and McArthur ; 
perhaps this estimation includes the Michigan legion. 

* «- * * There were also some 30 or 40 armed 
wagoners." — Hull's Trial, p. 94. If we subtract 
from 1060 the 350 men absent under Cass and Mc- 
Arthur, and add the 40 wagoners, the whole number 
of troops present, according to Major Jessup, would 
be about 750. 

3. Major Jessup, in his testimony on the trial, 
page 96, furnishes us with another estimate of the 
number of General Hull's troops on 16th of August, 
which makes it considerably larger than that just 
given. During his cross-examination by General 
Hull, he was asked, " Do you recollect the paper now 
presented, and in the words ' effective aggregate of 
the three regiments, about 700 '?" 

Answer. " It is in my handwriting, and was hand- 
ed by me to General Hull, on the evening of August 
15th. The wagoners of the regiments, I believe, 
were included in the estimate, but the 4th regiment 

25 



386 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

was not ; it was only what remained of Cass and 
Mc Arthur's, and the whole of Colonel Findlay's re- 
giment, and so explained at the time." 

Major Jessiip evidently inekided in this estimate 
all the effective force, except the 4th regiment, even 
to the wagoners. He makes it about 700 : add the 
effective of the 4th, (hy Colonel Miller's testimony, 
250 ot 260 men,) and we have, as the total effective 
force under General Hull's command at the time of 
the surrender, about 950 men. But as he says 
"about 700 men," he may have exaggerated the 
numbers. We have then the following estimates of 
General Hull's troops : 

1. Calculation of the numbers originally under 

his command, by subtracting those killed, 
detached, sick, &c. 960 

2. General Hull's own statement, 800 

3. Major Jessup's first statement, 750 

4. Major Jessup's second estimate, 050 

5. Colonel Cass's estimate in his letter of Sept. 10, 

makes the number 1060 

But Colonel Cass v. as absent at the time, and 
Major Jessup tells us that the estimate in Colonel 
Cass's letter was derived from himself. Now, accord- 
ing to Forbes' Report of the Trial, Major Jessup's 
testimony, given under oath, makes the number 300 
less. Almost all subsequent writers, in giving the 
number of General Hull's troops, have followed Co- 
lonel Cass, and made it amount to 1060, instead of 
recurring to the testimony, which would have shown 
it to be much less. If we take the average of the 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 337 

first four estimates, which is 865, we shall probably 
have the number of General Hull's effective force, as 
nearly as it can now be ascertained. 

IV. We have shown, that an army destitute of 
provisions, and cut off from its supplies, and which 
cannot re-open its communications, must inevitably 
fall; that General Hull's army was thus destitute, and 
thus incapable of opening its communications. We 
have shown that to succeed in the enterprise intrusted 
to General Hull, there was necessary the command 
of Lake Erie ; ample reinforcements from Ohio, to 
keep open the road through the wilderness, and to 
support his army in its movements; and co-operation 
at Niagara. We have seen that he had no reinforce- 
ments from Ohio, that the Lake was under the con- 
trol of the British, and from the absence of co-ope- 
ration at Nicigara, and the armistice of Dearborn, 
Prevost and Brock were enabled to accumulate troops 
at Maiden and Sandwich. We have seen that by 
the fiill of Mackinaw, the Indians and British from 
the Northwest were thrown upon Detroit : finally, 
we have endeavoured to prove, that at the time of the 
surrender. General Hull's effective force could not 
have exceeded 865, while those of Brock must have 
amounted at least to 1600 or 1700 men ; besides large 
numbers of Indians near at hand, ready to reinforce 
him. 

It only remains for us now to prove, that this 
condition of things was not the fault of General Hull, 
but was owing to the neglect, ignorance, errors, or 
inability of the Administration at Washington, and 
of the Commander-in-chief, General Dearborn. 



338 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

1. It was certainly not General Hull's fault, that 
the British had the command of Lake Erie, for we 
have shown that in 1809, 1811, and 1812, he ad- 
dressed ofticial communications to the American 
Government, urging upon them the importance of 
gaining the control of the Lakes. 

2. It certainly was not the fault of General Hull 
that his communications through Ohio were inter- 
cepted. It could not ppssihly be expected that with 
an army of less than 1200 men, he should stretch 
back along a line of two hundred miles, through a 
wilderness filled with savages, while he was at the 
same time defending himself against a superior force 
in front. He made three separate attempts to re-open 
his communications, one of which, though victorious, 
did not succeed in penetrating twenty miles. 

3. It certainly was not General Hull's fault that he 
was not reinforced from Ohio, for as early as July 
5th he wrote to the Secretary of War, that " troops 
would be absolutely necessary on the road, to protect 
provisions." On July 29th he wrote to Governor 
Meigs of Ohio, Governor Scott of Kentucky, and to 
the Secretary of War, requesting an immediate rein- 
forcement of ?000 men. And before assuming the 
command of the army, he informed the Secretary of 
War that three thousand men would be necessary.* 

4. It certainly was not General Hull's fault that 
there was no co-operation at Niagara. According to 
the plan of the campaign, as understood and agreed 

* Gen. P. B. Porter's testimony, mode of supplying them, and then 
Hull's Trial, page 127. "Gen. proposed 3000 men." 
Hull talked of provisions, and the 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 339 

upon between General Dearborn and the Secretary 
of War, Canada was to be invaded simultaneously 
by four armies, one at Detroit, one at Niagara, one at 
Sacket's Harbour, and one at Lake Champlain. If 
any thing like this had been attempted, there is no 
doubt that it might have been easily accomplished, 
and Canada must have fallen. All the preparations 
should have been completed before the declaration of 
war. But in fact General Hull's army was the only 
one which was ready for action. Yet even then, by 
a vigorous effort, forces might have been accumulated 
at Niagara and at Sacket's Harbour, which would have 
made it impossible for Prevost or Brock to send any 
reinforcements to Maiden. But nothing could ex- 
cuse the dilatoriness of Government in its prepara- 
tions and movements. It was not till eight days af- 
ter war was declared, that the Secretary wrote to 
General Dearborn, to tell him that after he had made 
the necessary arrangements for the defence of the sea- 
board, he was to go to Albany and make preparations 
to move in the direction of Niagara, Kingston, and 
Montreal.* In this letter he is told to " take his own 
time," as though a little delay might be of service, 
and the danger to be apprehended, was that, of too 
great despatch. 

On the 9th of July, thirteen days after this, the 
Secretary of War remembers, that there was some 
plan for invading Canada, and writes to General 
Dearborn, telling him, " the period has arrived, when 

* Note 2d in Appendix. 



390 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

your services are required in Albany," and orders him 
after he shall have placed the works on the sea-coast 
in the best state of defence, to " order all the re- 
cruits not otherwise disposed of, to march immediate- 
ly to Albany."* The jninciple of the worthy Secre- 
tary evidently was, one thing at a time. First 
arrange every thing on the sea-coast, and then it will 
be time enough to think about Canada. As to Gen- 
eral Hull's army, that is a good way off, and we have 
not heard any thing about it yeX^ and we can leave 
that to take care of itself just now. July 20, that is^ 
ten days after this, the Secretary begins to wonder 
what has become of General Hull's army, and to 
think, that a little co-operation would be desirable. 
He therefore writes to General Dearborn, that he is 
in daily expectation of hearing from General Hull, 
who probably arrived at Detroit on the 8th instant. 
"You will make such arrangements with Governor 
Tompkins, as will place the militia detached by him 
for Niagara and other posts on the Lakes under your 
control, and there should be a communication, and if 
practicable a co-operation throughout the whole fron- 
tier." By this time, it seems, the Secretary has 
come to think a co-operation in the movements of his 
armies a desirable thing, though not very practicable. 
But after reflecting upon it six days longer, he writes 
to General Dearborn, on July 26th, telling him that 
he had heard of General Hull's arrival at Detroit^ 
and says, " arrangements should be immediately 

* Records of War Office, Vol. 6, Folios 15 y.nd 16, 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 39] 

made by you to co-operate with him at Niagara, " — 
co-operatioii he evidently now believes to be practi- 
cable, as well as desirable. 

While these reflections were passing through the 
mind of the Secretary of War, how was General 
Dearborn occupied ? Pursuing the wise and military 
maxim of 'one thing at a time,' he was busily en- 
gaged in dividing his recruits among the forts along 
the sea-coast, putting twenty men in one and fifty in 
anothser, as might be necessary. 

After this important business was settled, the 
Commander-in-chief goes to Albany, to carry on the 
campaign against Canada. One thing, however, 
rather puzzles him — " Who haS the command at Ni- 
agara ?" On the 20th July, some three weeks after 
General Hull's arrival at Detroit, he writes to the 
Secretary of W^ar to ask, whether it was he himself 
or some one else, who was in command of the oper- 
ations in Upper Canada.* One would think it was 
about time for him to know. Finding by the Secre- 
tary's letter of July 20th and 26th, that it was actually 
himself who was to command on the frontier, he pro- 
ceeds, not without due deliberation apparently, (for 
it is eighteen days after the date of the Secretary's 
first letter, and seven days after the receipt of the 
second at Albany,) to order troops toward Niagara. 
Probably this delay of a week in issuing his orders 

* Extract from a letter from Gene- mr.nd of the operations in Upper 

ral Dearborn to the Secretary of Canada ? I take it for granted that 

War, dated Greenhush, July 20tli, my command does not extend to. 

J812. ^' Who is to have tjje com- that distant quarter." ' 



392 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

after he had received the Secretary's letter of the 
26th, containing the most unequivocal instructions to 
make a diversion on the Niagara, was owing to his 
being aware, that it would be too late to be of any 
service. For he says in his letter of August 7th to 
the Secretary, after speaking of the reinforcements 
which ho had ordered to Niagara, " I trust they 
will move soon, but too late, I fear, to make the di- 
version in favour of General Hull, which is so desira- 
ble." HoweVer, on the 7th and 8th August Genera! 
Dearborn did at last begin to order troops to Niagara, 
to effect a diversion in General Hull's favour. But 
on the 9th he concluded an armistice, by \A'hich he 
bound himself to act solely on the defensive, thus al- 
lowing General Brock to take all his troops from Ni- 
agara, if he chose, and carry them to Detroit, to act 
offensively there, while he prevented himself from 
making any attack at Niagara. The course of Gen- 
eral Dearborn in all this affair, is really most extraor- 
dinary. 

On July 20th he writes to know who has the 
command at Niagara. On July 31st he receives the 
Secretary's letter, telling him that he has the com- 
mand, and instructing him to co-operate with Genera! 
Hull immediately, by offensive movements at Niagara. 
August 7th and 8th he proceeds to obey these in- 
structions, l)y ordering troops and artilleries to move 
without delay to Niagara. And August 9th he 
signs an armistice, by which he prevents himself from 
making any offensive demonstrations at Niagara or 
any where else, but allows General Brock to marcli 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 393 

all the troops in Upper Canada against General Hull. 
The terms of the armistice were, that the troops on 
both sides should confine themselves to defensive ope- 
rations, except at Detroit, but that General Hull was 
to be left at liberty, either to accede to the armistice 
or to continue offensive operations. After depriving 
himself of all power for aiding General Hull bj offen- 
sive movements, the next best thing for General 
Dearborn to have done, would have have been, to 
have given General Hull an immediate opportunity of 
decidins: whether to come into the armistice or not. 
A communication might have been sent by express, 
and have reached General Hull in six or seven days. 
If this had been done, it would have prevented the 
surrender of Detroit : for the letter would have ar- 
rived there on or before August 15th, and the orders 
of Sir George Prevost for a cessation of hostilities, 
which were imperative, might have been communicat- 
ed to General Brock. But instead of sending this 
important communication by express, it was actually 
nine days in going from Albany to Lewistown,* 
travelling at the rate of about 35 miles a day ! 
General H. A. S. Dearborn, in his defence of his fa- 
ther, argues, that the armistice concluded by him 
with Sir George Prevost, could not have been inju- 
rious to General Hull, because General Brock says in 
a letter, dated August 25th, that he did not hear that 
a cessation of hostilities had been agreed upon, until 
his return to Fort Erie from Detroit. f It may be 

* Note 4tli in the Appendix. f Defence of General Dearborn 

by his son. 



394 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

true that General Brock did not hear that the armis- 
tice had heen actually concluded, before his departure 
for Detroit, but there is every reason to believe, that 
he knew it was in contemplation. G(meral Brock 
did not leave York till the 6th of August,* and on 
the 2d of August, Sir George Prevost wrote to 
him express from Quebec, informing him of the pro- 
posed arrangement, and also that he had ordered re- 
inforcements to proceed to Upper Canada. f But 
even though General Brock had not heard of the ar- 
mistice before his return from Detroit and Niagara, 
this does not justify General Dearborn in agreeing to 
it, to the exclusion of General Hull. He ought to 
have known, that its effect would be to enable Gene- 
ral Brock to move with his whole force against De- 
troit. And there is no doubt that General Brock 
would never have ventured to leave Niagara with so 
large a body of troops, had he not been satisfied that 
no movement of hostile aggression would be made by 
the Americans from that point. For this want of co- 
operation, General Dearborn or the Administration is 
certainly answerable. We do not wish to speak with 
undue severity of either. General Dearborn had 
probably no other motive in all his operations than to 
fulfil his duty, but the effect of his supineness in ac- 
tion, and his unjustifiable armistice, were as fatal to 
General Hull as though there had been a determina- 
tion to sacrifice him by inaction, or by connivance 
with the enemy in entering into the armistice. 

* Life of Major-General Brock. f Note 5th in Appendix, 
page 224. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 395 

No doubt the Administration carried on the war in 
as efficient manner as iis means and ability permitted. 
But no reflecting person who studies the history of 
the war can avoid the conclusion, that our failures and 
misfortunes in the first campaign, were owing almost 
exclusively to the want of sufficient preparation be- 
fore war was declared, and the want of co-operation 
and celerity of action after it had commenced. For 
neither of these can blame be attached to General 
Hull. 

Some may blame him for not fighting. 'Tis true, 
that by pursuing an opposite course, he would have 
rescued his reputation from the imputation of coward 
ice, but a man who had fought nine battles during 
the Revolutionary War, and had twice been promoted 
for his bravery and gallant conduct, did not feel him- 
self called upon, unnecessarily to expose to the ruthless 
tomahawk of unrelenting savages, men, women, and 
children, who had fled to the fort for protection, 
merely to shield a reputation, which many years be- 
fore had been severely tried, and had established for 
itself a character for unquestioned courage. 

General Hull cannot justly be blamed for the 
fall of Detroit, and the surrender of his army, for both 
must have occurred, however he might have acted. 
Want of preparation and co-operation on the part of 
the Government and General Dearborn, with the ar- 
mistice of the latter, made these events inevitable* 



396 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Court Martial. — How constituted, and its Character. — Its Decision 

AND Sentence. — Conclusion. 

We now pass to speak of General Hull's Trial bj 
a Court Martial, and to show what influences were 
used against him, and by what means the public mind 
became possessed with the belief that he was either 
a traitor, or a coward, or both. 

We have mentioned the extravagant expectations 
which had been entertained bj great numbers of the 
people, at the commencement of the war, of the ease 
with which the Canadas would be conquered bj the 
armies of the United States. Men of more wisdom 
and exj)crience, however, who knew the real difficulties 
of such an enterprise, had formed quite a different 
opinion. Among these was General Harrison, who, 
as will be seen from the following extracts from his 
letters to th^ Secretary of War, early foresaw the 
probable defeat of General Hull's army, and the fall 
of Detroit. In a letter of August 6th, 1812,* he says: 
"The information received a day or two ago from 
Detroit, is of the most unpleasant nature : the loss of 
Mackinaw will probably be followed by the capture 
of Fort Dearborn (or Chicago) ; and the suspension of 

* Dawson's Life of Harri;^on, p. 275. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 397 

offensive operations by General Hull's army Avill, I 
fear, give great strength to the British partv among 
the Indians. * * * It is my opinion, that it will be the 
object of the British, to draw as many of the Indians 
as possible towards Maiden, to cut off the supplies 
from,^nd ultimately to capture. General Hull's army." 
In a letter of August 10th, he thus speaks : "If it were 
certain that General Hull would be able, even with 
the reinforcement which is now about to be sent to 
him, to reduce Maiden and retake Mackinaw, there 
would be no necessity of sending other troops in that 
direction. But I greatly fear, that the capture of 
Mackinaw will give such eclat to the British and In- 
dians, that the Northern Tribes will pour down in 
swarms upon Detroit, oblige General PIull to act on 
the defensive, and meet and perhaps overpower the 
convoys and reinforcements which may be sent to 
him. It appears to me, indeed, highly pro!)able, that 
the large detachment which is now destined for his 
relief under Colonel Wells, will have to fight its way. 
I rely greatly on the valour of those troops, but it is 
possible that the event may be adverse to us, and if 
it is, Detroit must fall — and with it every hope of re- 
establishing our affairs in that quarter, until the next 
year. I am also apprehensive that the provisions 
which are to be sent with Colonel Wells, are by no 
means equal to the supply of the army for any len^^th 
of time, increased as it will be by this detachment. 
They must then depend upon small convoys, which 
can never reach their destination in safety, if the 
British and Indians think proper to prevent it. Com- 



398 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

manding as ihej do the navigation of the Lake, the 
British can, with tiie utmost facility, transfer their 
force from the one side of it to the other ; meet our 
detachments and overpower them, if ihej are small, 
whih3 performing a laborious and circuitous march 
through a swampy country, at any point they tiiink 
proper. To prevent these disasters, or to remedy 
them should they occur, a considerable covering army 
appears to me to be the only alternative : for should 
any of my apprehensions be realized, it is out of the 
question to suppose that troops could be collected 
time enough to render any essential service."* 

It will be seen how exactly General Harrison 
points out all the difficulties in the way of General 
Hull's army, and how clearly he anticipated the 
probability of its overthrow. These views, however, 
were shared by very iew persons in the United 
States. Ignorant of the real state of things, it was 
universally supposed, that General Hull was to cap- 
ture Canada with scarcely any opposition, and the 
news of the surrender of Detroit canie upon the 
country without any warning. The party opposed 
to the war very naturally made use of this disaster 
to show that their views had been correct, and threw 
the blame upon the Administration and the opposite 
party, who had plunged the country into war without 
adequate preparation. 

At first the Administration scarcely attempted to 
defend itself.f But it soon found a man ready and 

* Note 6th in Appendix. f Note 7tli in Appendix, 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 399 

willing to assist it to throw the whole blame of the 
disaster upon the unsuccessful General. Colonel 
Cass, having by the terms of the capitulation liberty 
to return home, went to Washington, and wrote his 
celebrated letter of September 10th, 1812, which 
has been the principal source of all subsequent 
charges against General Hull, and was even received 
as evidence on his trial. The object of this letter 
was, to convince the public that the whole blame oi 
the surrender was chargeable to the Commander — 
that he wanted neither men nor supplies of any kind, 
and that the British might have been defeated with 
perfect ease, but for the cowardice of the General, 
His letter was not without its effect on the public 
also, who did not know that Colonel Cass had writ- 
ten to Governor Meigs and to his brother-in-law, only 
a few days before the surrender, that the army was 
in want of every thing, and must perish unless soon 
assisted. 

As soon as General Hull was exchanged and 
returned to the United States, he was placed under 
arrest, and the Administration exhibited charges for 
capital offences against him. A Court Martial, of 
which General Wade Hampton was President, was 
summoned to assemble at Philadelphia, when Gen- 
eral Hull appeared, and was ready for his trial. But 
this Court Martial was dissolved by the President, 
without giving any reason for its dissolution. After 
General Hull had been another year under arrest, a 
new Court Martial was summoned, of which General 
Dearborn was appointed President. 



400 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

It was at Albany, January 3d, 1814. A majority 
of the officers were young men, Lieutenant Colonels, 
lately promoted to that rank, some of whom had been 
the aids of General Dearborn, and had been intro- 
duced into the army by his patronage. General Hull 
made no objection to the manner in which the Court 
was constituted, for he was anxious for his trial. 
Special and very abh^ counsel were employed by the 
Government to assist the Judge Advocate, but Gen- 
eral Hull's counsel was not allowed to address the 
Court in his defence. Although this exclusion of the 
prisoner's counsel has been an established custom of 
foreign Courts Martial, there appears no good reason 
why it should have been followed in this country ; 
especially as it conflicts with the provision of the 
Constiiution, which declares that in all criminal 
prosecutions the accused shall have the assistance of 
counsel for his defence. 

Charges of treason, cowardice, and neglect of 
duty, were exhibited against General Hull, under the 
following specifications. 

The specifications under the charge of treason were : 

First. — " Hiring the vessel to transport his sick 
men and bao;o;ao;e from the Miami to Detroit." 

Second. — " Not attacking; the enemy's fort at 
Maiden, and retreating to Detroit." 

Third. — " Not strengthening the fort of Detroit, 
and surrendering." 

The specifications under the charge of cowardice 
were : 

First. — " Not attacking Maiden, and retreating to 
Detroit." 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 401 

Second. " Appearances of alarm during the can- 
nonade." 

Third. "Appearances of alarm on the day of the 
surrender." 

Fourth. " Surrendering Detroit." 

The specifications under the c>iarge of neglect of 
duty, were much the same as the others. 

As regards the charge of treason, the decision of 
the Court was, that it had no jurisdiction of the of- 
fence, " but the evidence on the subject having been 
publicly given, the Court deem it proper, injustice to 
the accused, to say, that they do not believe, from any 
thing that has appeared before them, that General 
William Hull has committed treason against the Uni- 
ted States." 

The Court found the accused guilty of the second 
and third charges, and sentenced him to be shot to 
death ; but on account of his revolutionary services 
and advanced age, earnestly recommended him to the 
mercy of the President. 

The President approved of the sentence of the 
Court, but remitted the execution of it. 

It is impossible to read the report of the trial, and 
not feel that Hull was sacrificed to the necessity of 
preserving the Administration from disgrace and ruin. 
Some victim was necessary, and the unsuccessful 
General was the one upon whom the public indigna- 
tion could most easily be directed. He therefore be- 
came the scape-goat for the President and his party. 

The argument which influenced many, conscious- 
ly or unconsciously, was like that of Caiphas : " It 

26 



402 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

is expedient that one man perish, rather than the 
whole party be destroyed." 

A political expediency made the destruction of 
General Hull inevitable. 

The constitution of the Court was singular. The 
President, the Commander-in-chief, General Dear- 
born, was taken from his duties at an important pe- 
riod of the war, and he was the man, who, of all 
others, had perhaps the greatest interest in the con- 
viction of General Hull. If" the fall of Detroit was 
not owing to the incapacity of General Hull, it was 
owing, in part, to the errors of General Dearborn, in 
not co-operating at Niagara, and in concluding the 
armistice with Prevost, to the exclusion of General 
Hull and his army. The acquittal of General Hull 
would be the condemnation of General Dearborn. A 
man with so deep a personal interest would not be 
permitted to sit as juror in a matter of dollars and 
cents ; but General Dearborn was brought from his 
duties at the head of the army, in time of war, to 
be made President of the Court which was to decide 
on the life or death of General Hull. 

The principal witnesses on the trial gave their 
testimony, like men arguing a cause. They evident- 
ly evinced an anxiety throughout, to show that Gen- 
eral Hull was to blame in all that occurred. They 
remembered every thing that made against him — no- 
thing that could tell in his favour. This strong de- 
termination to do their commander all the mischief 
in their power, whether arising from prejudice or a 
worse motive, deprives their testimony of the weight 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 493 

it might otherwise possess. Thus in General Cass's 
testimony, we find a very remarkable power of re- 
collection in re2;ard to some matters, and an equally 
remarkable forgetfuhiess as to other tilings. If any 
question is asked, the answer of which might bene- 
fit General Hull, he finds it impossible to remember 
any thing about it. He remembers that the defences 
at Maiden were poor, and " was of opinion that the 
works were not defensible," but he " does not recol- 
lect about the guns or gun-carriages at Detroit," and 
is not very sure that the enclosures and platforms 
were defective, though he rather thinks they were. 
Though his memory thus fails him in regard to the 
defective guns and enclosures, he distinctly recol- 
lects the good picketing at Detroit — "^ it was in re- 
markably good order, and as good as he ever saw." 
He cannot recollect, \Aithin four days, the time of 
crossing from Detroit to Canada — it was " on the 
12th or 16th (he could not be precise about the 
time)" — he cannot even remember whether Colonel 
Miller's detachment went to Brownstown, before or 
after the evacuation of Canada. Yet his testimony 
is positive to his conversationw'ith General Hull, in 
which he recommended more active measures, and in 
his letter of Sept. 10th he recollects facts which oc- 
curred in Detroit during his absence from that place, 
suchas that ofSOOof theOhiomilitia shedding tears be- 
cause they were not allowed to fight. The testimony 
of Snelling, McArthur, Vanhorne, and some other of- 
ficers, is still more strongly marked by this evident 
predetermination to say as many things as they can 



404 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

to injure General Hull, and as few as possible in his 
favour. Very possiblj thej might not have been 
conscious of this bias, but it is none the less apparent 
on the face of their testimony. 

One peculiarity in this trial was, that the opin- 
ions of the witnesses in regard to military measures^ 
were constantly received as evidence. This is justly 
regarded as very improper by all writers on Courts 
Martial. It is the business of the witnesses to tes- 
tif)' to actions and conduct ; that of the Court, to 
form an opinion as to their force and application. 

O'Brien, in his late work on American Military 
Courts, says: "When it is a question of military 
science, to affect the officer on trial, questions of 
opinion are inadmissible. For it is obvious, that the 
Court has met for nothing else, than to try that ques- 
tion, and they have before them the facts in evidence, 
on which to ground their conclusions. Courts Mar- 
tial should be very cautious in receiving evidence as 
to opinion, in all instances ; and the opportunities and 
means of the witness for forming an opinion, should 
be made to appear." 

The witnesses all gave in evidence their opinions 
that General Hull ought to have retained the bridge 
Aux Canards ; ought not to have evacuated Canada ; 
ought to have sent a larger number of troops with 
Vanhorne ; ought to have exercised his troops more ; 
&;c., &c. Subtract that part of their testimony 
which is made up of their opinions, and the bulk is 
much reduced. 

General Hull was acquitted of the charge of trea- 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 405 

son, because the principal fact on which this charge 
was based, would have proved the Secretary of War 
guilty of treason, rather than the General. This fact 
was, his sending a vessel by the lake, after war was 
declared, containing his invalids and hospital stores. 
But when he sent the vessel, he had received no 
notice of the declaration of war, though notice might 
easily have reached him, if pro[3er measures had been 
taken to expedite so important a document. Mean- 
time the British at Maiden had received notice of the 
declaration of war, in a \eUeY franked by the Secretary 
of the Treasury; in consequence of which they at- 
tacked and took General Hull's vessel. 

General Hull was found guilty on the charge of 
cowardice. The principal evidence under this charge, 
was that of the militia officers, derived from his per- 
sonal appearance on the 15th and 16th August. They 
testified that he looked frightened, that he chewed 
tobacco, and that he sat against a wall, as they sup- 
posed to protect himself against the cannon shot. 
Other officers, with quite as much experience as these 
militia gentlemen, saw no evidence of fear in the con- 
duct of General Hull. Thus Major Vanhorne, Cap- 
tain Baker, Major Jessup, Captain Fuller, Captain 
McCormick, and especially Captain Snelling, testified 
that they thought General Hull under the influence 
of fear; that he seemed agitated; that his voice 
trembled, &c., &c. But other officers saw nothing 
of the kind — or rather, seeing the same appearances, 
they interpreted them more justly and generously. 
They knew that General Hull had endured much fa- 
ligue and exposure ; that he had hardly slept for sey- 



406 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

eral nights ; that he had much responsibility on his 
mind ; and they attributed to those causes any ap- 
pearance of depression, or any physical infirmitj 
which they noticed. Brave men do not suspect 
others of being cowards, on such slight grounds.. 
Colonel Miller could not be brought to say that he 
thought his General under the influence of personal 
fear.* Lieutenant Bacon did not suspect that any 
such alarm existed in the mind of bis commander. f 
Captain Maxwell, who had been in twenty-three 
battles, in three wars,^ saw nothing like fear in the 
General's manner. J Major Munson gave a similar 
testimony.^ So did Captain Dyson and Colonel 
Watson. II 

The charge of cowardice rests, then, upon certain 
personal appearances, which a part of the witnesses 
supposed to arise from fear of bodily harm, and which 
another part ascribed to fatigue of body and anxiety 
of mind. 

Which of these interpretations is most probable? 
Is it probable that, amid an army of heroes. General 
Hull was the only man who was a coward ; that 
while the militia, who had never been in battle, were 
shedding tears because they could not fight, he who^ 
had fought bravely in nine pitched battles was trem- 
bling with terror ? Is it probable that while those 
who were exposed in the open field were calm, he 
whose duty required no such exposure was agitated 
with personal fear ; and that he who had shown in 

* See Note 8, in Appendix. ^ See Note 11, in Appendix, 

t See Note 9, in Appendix. || See Note 12, in Appendis... 

X See Note 10, in x^ppendijc. 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 407 

the midst of danger a daring courage, should be in 
an agony of terror when no danger was near? The 
supposition is entirely absurd, and we may safely 
predict, that the judgment of history will so deter- 
mine. If, then, it be said that the Court Martial 
found General Hull guilty, and that therefore he was 
so, we reply — The Court, by its constitution and 
situation, was under a bias, that made it almost im- 
possible for it to do justice to the prisoner. The 
public mind had been excited against him, from one 
end of the land to the other, by the whole force of 
the Administration presses and of the war party. 
Scurrilous pamphlets, filled with the grossest abuse 
of his conduct, were hawked about for sale, at the 
very doors of the house where he was being tried. 
The President of the Court had a personal interest 
in his condemnation. All those who testified against 
him had been rewarded beforehand with promotion 
in the service — several of them without having been 
in any other campaign, except that with General 
Hull; and it was therefore very evident, that the 
way to favour and rank was to be found in taking the 
same side.* 

The prosecuting officer was assisted by special 
counsel, while General Hull's counsel was not al- 
lowed to speak. The opinions of witnesses against 
him were freely admitted, as evidence concerning mi- 
litary operations ; and hearsay testimony was also 
received, under circumstances not dissimilar. 

In reviewing the history of this campaign, it seems 

* Note 13, in Appendix. 



408 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 

to US that the following points may be regarded as 
fully established : 

First. — That so long as Lake Erie was com- 
manded by the British, and the woods by hostile In- 
dians, and by the fall of Mackinaw the Northern 
Indians were let loose against General iiull, and no 
co-operation or diversion in his favour was attempt- 
ed at Niagara — it was impossible for Detroit to be 
preserved from falling into the hands of the British. 

Second. — This state of things was not the fault 
of General Hull, but that of the Administration, in 
not making adequate preparations in anticipation of 
war — of General Dearborn, in not affording the ex- 
pected co-operation — and of the condition of the 
country, and the inherent difficulties incident to the 
genius and policy of our government. 

Third. — The charge of treason was dismissed, as 
wholly groundless, by the Court Martial; and the 
charge of cowardice, when examined, becomes in- 
credible and absurd. 

The only questions, therefore, which can now be 
raised by reasonable men, are these : Did not Gen- 
eral Hall err in judgment in some of his measures r 
Might it not have been better to have attacked Mai- 
den ? and was the surrender of his post at Detroit, 
without a struggle for its defence, reconcilable with 
his situation at that time ? 

The reason assigned for not attacking Maiden, 
we have seen, was the deficiency of suitable cannon 
for that purpose, and a want of confidence in the 
militia, as acknowledged by the officers in command,, 
to storm the works at Maiden, which were defended 



AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 409 

by cannon batteries, while reliance on the part of the 
Americans, was on militia bayonets almost entirely. 

In considering the conduct of General Hull in 
surrendering Detroit, we ought always to bear in 
mind that he was Governor of the Territory as well 
as General of the army — that he accepted the com- 
mand of the army, for the express purpose of de- 
fending the Territory, and that though in compliance 
with the orders of the Government, he had invaded 
Canada, a principal object was still the defence of 
the people of Michigan. If therefore his situation 
was such, that even a successful temporary resistance 
could not finally prevent the fall of Detroit ; had he 
any right to expose the people of Michigan to that 
universal massacre which would unquestionably have 
been the result of a battle at Detroit? 

It must also be remembered, that at the time of 
the surrender the fort was crowded with women and 
children who had fled thither for protection from the 
town, which tended still more to embarrass the situa- 
tion and move the sympathies of their Governor. 

If therefore some persons, with whom military 
glory stands higher than huuianity and plain duty, 
may still blame General Hull for not fighting a use- 
less battle, and for not causing blood to be shed where 
nothing was to be gained by its effusion, we are 
confident that all high-minded and judicious persons 
will conclude, that to sign the surrender of Detroit 
was an act of greater courage and truer manliness on 
the part of General Hull, than it would have been to 
have sent out his troops to battle, 



410 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812. 

Such has already been the verdict given by 
thousands throughout the land. In the Appendix 
will be found letters from some of these, men 
of the highest distinction ; accompanied by other let- 
ters from the associates of General Hull during the 
Revolution. Their testimony is valuable as showing 
the opinion entertained of him by his companions, 
and it shows what will be the judgment of posterity, 
when temporary interests, passions, and prejudices 
shall have passed away. 

To that ultimate tribunal the friends of General 
Hull confidently appeal. They call upon future histo- 
rians of the war of 1812, to rise above the influence of 
prejudice and to render justice to the memory of their 
fellow-citizen. If his feelings can no longer be com- 
forted by this tardy recompense for the unmerited 
abuse and calumnies from which he sufllned ; the 
truth of history may at least be vindicated. He sleeps 
in his tranquil grave, and can never hear that his 
countrymen have at last understood him. But our 
country itself will be honoured, if it can be shown, 
that though, like other republics, it is sometimes un- 
grateful to its servants, yet that it will at last do jus- 
tice to their memory ; and that though clouds of mis- 
representation may long overshadow the name of an 
upright man, that the sun of truth has at last illumi- 
nated it. 

"Respexit tamen, ct longo post tempore venit," 



APPENDIX. 



Note 1. 



Extract from a Notice of General Hulls Memoirs of the 
Campaign o/" 1812, from the North American Review. 

" ' Memoirs of the Campaign of the Northwestern Army of 
the United States, A. D. 1812, in a series of Letters 
addressed to the citizens of the United States, with an 
Appendix, containing a brief sketch of the Revolution- 
ary services of the author. By William Hull, late 
Governor of the Territory of Michigan ; and Brigadier- 
General in the service of the United States. 8vo. pp. 
240. Boston: True & Green : 1824.' 

" Most of our readers remember the principal 
events of the disastrous campaign to which this work 
relates, and the decision of the court martial by which 
General Hull was tried. This officer has always 
considered his case as standing in a very unfair and 
partial light before the public, and has at last brought 
forward what he deems a correct detail of all the 
transactions pertaining to his connexion with the 
army. 

" We have no disposition to take any part in the 
controversy between General Hull and his opponents, 



412 APPENDIX. 

nor to revive a subject which, for the credit of the 
country, had better be forgotten than remembered ; 
yet, if we were to judge simply by the public docu- 
ments collected and published in these Memoirs, we 
must draw the conclusion, unequivocally, that he was 
required by the General Government to do, what it 
was morally and physically impossible that he should 
do — that he was surrounded by difficulties which no 
human agency could conquer ; and in short, whatever 
may have been his mistakes of judgment in any par- 
ticular movement, he deserved not the unqualified 
censure inflicted on him by the court martial. 

" The trial was evidently conducted without a full 
knowledge of all the testimony in his favour ; import- 
ant documents in the public offices he could not then 
obtain ; they are now published, and throw new light 
on the subject. 

" The precipitancy with which war was declared, 
— the total want of preparation, and the deficiency of 
means, afford an apology, no doubt, to the General 
Government, for not providing an immediate and ad- 
equate defence for the northwestern frontier ; but it 
is an extremely hard case, that an officer should suffer 
in consequence of the neglect of higher powers. 

" General Hull has no right to complain, that his 
orders were not sufficiently clear and explicit ; but he 
has a right to complain, that he was ordered to defend 
a long line of frontier, and invade an enemy's pos- 
sessions, without being provided with means to effect 
such an enterprise ; and above all, has he a right to 
complain, that he was formally condemned by a grave 



APPENDIX. 4|3 

military tribunal for the issue of unfortunate events, 
as mortifying to him in themselves, as they could pos- 
sibly be to any other person less interested, and over 
which he had no control. We aim not to defend 
General Hull ; his defence must rest on his book ; 
let it be conceded that he was guilty of mistakes — - 
the question still recurs, and it is one of vital conse- 
quence to the party accused, whether these mistakes 
may not, in the main, be very easily traced to his cir- 
cumstances — to his confident expectation of aid from 
government, which he never received, and of co-ope- 
ration with other branches of the army, which never 
took place, and without both of which there was no 
possibility of his effecting what was required of him. 
The public documents and letters published by him, 
answer this question decidedly in the affirmative, and 
ought to produce an impression, on the public mind 
at least, far different from that left by the decision of 
the court martial. 

" In addition to their personal bearing, these Me- 
moirs contain many facts of historical value, relating 
to the last war. The appendix speaks of the author's 
services in the Revolution." 

North American Review, January, 1825. Vol. XX. 

Note 2. 

Memorials by General Hull, recommending a Jleet on Lake 

Erie. 

The following extracts from memorials by General 
Hull, concerning a fleet on Lake Erie, show how 
early he drew the attention of the Government to 



414 APPENDIX. 

this important subject, and with what arguments he 
urged it upon their attention : 

Memorial of April 3d, 1809. — " I would suggest 
for consideration the expediency of building some 
armed vessels on Lake Erie, for the purpose of pre- 
serving the communication ; consider you have three 
military posts to the north and west of these waters, 
and no other communication with them." 

Hull's Memoirs, p. 19.— Memorial of June 16, 
1811 : "From the present state of our foreign rela- 
tions, particularly with England, I am induced to be- 
lieve there is little prospect of a continuance of peace. 
In the event of a war with England, this part of the 
United States (meaning the Michigan Territory) 
will be peculiarly situated. The British land forces 
at Amherstburg and St. Josephs, are about equal to 
those of the United States at this place and Michili- 
mackinac. The population of Upper Canada is more 
than twenty to one, compared to this territory. That 
province contains about one hundred thousand inhab- 
itants, while our population does not amount to five 
thousand. A wilderness of near two hundred miles 
separates this settlement from any of the States^ 
Besides, the Indiana Territory and States of Ohio 
and Kentucky are thinly inhabited, have extensive 
frontiers, and their own force will be necessary for 
their own defence. With respect to the Indians, 
their situation and habits are such that little depend- 
ence can be placed on them. At present they appear 
friendly, and was I to calculate on the profession of 
their chiefs, I should be satisfied that they would not 



APPENDIX. 415 

become hostile. Their first passion, however, is war. 
The policy of the British Government is to consider 
them their allies, and in the event of war, to invite 
them to join their standard. The policy of the 
American Government has been to advise them, in 
the event of war, to remain quiet at their villages, 
and take no part in quarrels in which they have no 
interest. Many of their old sachems and chiefs 
would advise to this line of conduct. Their authority, 
however, over the warriors would not restrain them. 
They would not listen to their advice. An Indian is 
hardly considered as a man, until he has been engaged 
in war, and can show trophies. This first and most 
ardent of all their passions will be excited by pre- 
sents, most gratifying to their pride and vanity. 
Unless strong measures are taken to prevent it, we 
may consider, beyond all doubt, they will be influ- 
enced to follow the advice of their British Father. 
This then appears to be the plain state of the case : 
the British have a regular force equal to ours. The 
province of Upper Canada has on its rolls a militia 
of twenty to one against us. In addition to this 
there can be but little doubt, but a large proportion 
of the savages will join them : what then will l)e the 
situation of this part of the country ? Separated from 
the States by an extensive wilderness, which will be 
filled with savages, to prevent any succour, our water 
communications entirely obstructed by the British 
armed vessels on Lake Erie, we shall have no other 
resource for defence but the small garrisons, and 
feeble population of the territory. Under these cir- 



416 APPENDIX. 

cumstances it is easy to foresee what will be the fate 
of this country. 

" It is a principle in nature, that the lesser force 
must give way to the greater. Since my acquaint- 
ance with the situation of this country, I have been 
of the opinion that the government did not sufficient- 
ly estimate its value and importance. After the Rev- 
olution, and after it was ceded to us by treaty, the 
blood and treasure of our country were expended in 
a savage war to obtain it. The post at this place is 
the key of the Northern country. By holding it, the 
Indians are kept in check, and peace has been pre- 
served with them to the present time. If we were 
once deprived of it, the Northern Indians would have 
nowhere to look, but to the British government in 
Upper Canada. They would then be entirely influ- 
enced by their councils. It would be easy for them, 
aided by the councils of the British agents, to com- 
mit depredations on the scattered frontier settlements 
of Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, &c. They would be 
collected from the most distant parts of their villages, 
where the English factors have an intercourse with 
them, and would become numerous. Under these 
circumstances, if there is a prospect of war with 
England, what measures are most expedient? In my 
mind there can be no doubt. Prepare a naval force 
on Lake Erie, superior to the British, and sufficient to 
preserve your communication.'''^ 

HidVs Memoirs, pp. 19-20. 

Memorial of March 6, 1812 : — " If we cannot com- 
mand the ocean, we can command the inland lakes 



APPENDIX. 417 

of our country. I have always been of opinion, that 
we ought to have built as many armed vessels on the 
Lakes as would have commanded them : we have more 
interest in them than the British nation, and can 
build vessels with more convenience." 

HulVs Memoirs, p. 21. 

Note 3. 

The following letter is from the Secretary of War 
to General Dearborn : 

" War Department, 26th June, 1812. 

" Sir : — Having made the necessary arrange- 
ments for the defence of the seaboard, it is the wish 
of the President that you should repair to Albany, and 
prepare the force to be collected at that place for ac- 
tual service. It is understood, that being possessed of 
a full view of the intentions of the Government, and 
being also acquainted with the disposition of the force 
under your command, you will take your own time, 
and give the necessary orders to the officers on the 
sea-coast. 

"It is altogether uncertain at what time General 
Hull may deem it expedient to commence offensive 
operations. The preparations it is presumed will be 
made, to move in a direction to Niagara, Kingston, 
and Montreal. On your arrival at Albany, you will 
be able to form an opinion of the time required to pre- 
pare the troops for action. 

" To Major-General Dearborn." 

HuWs Memoirs, p. 173. — Records of War Office, Vol. V., folio 468 

27 



41 8 appendix. 

Note 4. 

"Lewistown, August 19th, 1812. 

" In the night of the 17th I received your letter 
of 8th inst. The inclosures have been dehvered to 
Lieutenant-Colonel Myers, commanding at Fort 
George, who has since acknowledged the receipt of 
the letters, and pledged himself strictly to observe 
the terms of the armistice. 

" I am, &c. 

S. VAN RENSSELAER." 

Note 5. 

Letter from Sir George Prevost to General Brock. 

" Aur.usT, 2, 1812. 

" Last evening an officer of the 98th Regiment 
arrived here, express from Halifax, the bearer of 
despatches to me dated on 22d ult., from Mr. Foster, 
who was then in Nova Scotia. I lose no time in 
making you acquainted with the substance of this 
gentleman's communication. He informs me that 
he had just received despatches from England, re- 
ferring to a declaration of Ministers in Parliament, 
relative to a proposed repeal of the ' Orders in Coun- 
cil' — provided that the United States Government 
would return to relations of amity with us, the con- 
tents of which may possibly induce the American 
Government to agree to a suspension of hostilities, 
as a preliminary to negotiations for peace. * * * 
As I propose sending Colonel Baynes immediately 
into the United States, with a proposal for a cessation 



APPENDIX. 419 

'of hostile operations, i enclose for jour information, 
the copy of my letter to General Dearborn, or the 
Commander-in-chief of the American forces. * * * 
A report has been made to me that a frigate and six 
transports, with the Royal Scots (1st Battalion) on 
board, from the West Indies, are just below Bic ; in 
consequence of this reinforcement I have ordered 
the company of the 49th Regiment sent to Kingston, 
to remain there ; and in addition to the Royal New- 
foundland Regiment, and a detachment of an officer 
and fifty veterans, most fit for service, now on their 
route to that station, I shall order Major Ormsby, 
with three companies of the 49th Regiment to pro- 
ceed from Montreal to the same post, to be disposed 
of as you may find it necessary." 

Lifeof Brock, p. 214. 

Note 6. 

Mr. Charles J. IngersoU, with much naivete, nar- 
rates his own ex})ectations, and how they were cooled 
by the opinions of a man of military experience. In 
his History of the War of 1812, pp. 85-87, he thus 
speaks : 

" My first doubt or uneasiness was the suggestion 
' of an old soldier, whose residence I sometimes visited 
in the summer season. This gentleman raised a full 
company of a hundred hardy mountaineers, on the 
first outbreak of the war of the Revolution, and 
marched them, before even the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, through the trackless wilds of a northern 



420 APPENDIX. 

winter, to join Montgomery, whose armj he did not 
reach till the day after his defeat and death before 
Quebec. From that time throughout the war he was 
every where, as the hardest service called, from Long 
Island to Georgia, conspicuous in every battle, at 
Long Island, Monmouth and Yorktown, closing seven 
years of constant and arduous, yet, to him, always 
cheerful and pleasant campaigning, at the last action 
of the war, the siege of Savannah ; from Quebec to 
Savannah, never off duty, foremost in all encounters, 
a soldier in every qualification, 

" It was from this veteran soldier, meeting him 
at the chief town of his county, that I heard with 
incredulous annoyance, the first doubts of Hull's 
success, I had no doubt that he was in full and tri- 
umphant march from Maiden to Queenstown. Gen- 
eral Craig expressed his apprehensions of the reverse. 
He knew the difficulties, the chances, the obstacles in 
the way ; had attentively read all the newspaper ac- 
counts of the expedition, could estimate probabilities 
of Indian enmity ; had experienced the force of Eng- 
lish armies : shook his head at my confidence, and 
advised me not to be too sanguine. Not from any 
disparagement of Hull, but from the inherent mishaps 
of military proceedings ; the fortune of war : this 
Nestor of another war, questioned the success of ouf 
outset, and disturbed my dreams of triumph," 



appendix. 421 

Note 7. 

The following letter from the Records of the War 
Office (Vol. VI. page 253) shows that the Secretary 
of War expected at that time to bear the blame of 
the misfortunes of the campaign, which he seemed 
to think might perhaps have otherwise rested on the 
Commander-in-chiefl 

"War Department, Dec. 18, 1812. 

" Sir, — Your letter of the 11th is received. 
Fortunately for you, the want of success which has 
attended the campaign, will be attributed to the Sec- 
retary of War. So long as you enjoy the confidence 
of the Government, the clamour of the discontented 
should not be regarded^ You are requested to make 
an exchange of General Hull as soon as possible." 

(Signed) WILLIAM EUSTIS." 

" To Major-General Dearborn." 

Note 8. 

" Witness cannot say whether the agitation pro- 
ceeded from personal alarm or from a consideration 
of the heavy responsibility in which he was involved ; 
and he does not know whether at the time he formed 
any decided opinion on the subject." — Miller's Tes- 
timony, Trial, p. 110. 

Note 9 

" General Hull appeared engaged as usual, and 
agitated more than usual^ on the morning of the 16th, 



422 APPENDIX. 

but witness does not know the cause ; he had no 
suspicion that it proceeded from personal fear ; nei- 
ther did he hear any of the officers at the time ex- 
press the opinion that it did.^' — Bacon's testimony^ 
p. 124, Hull's TriaL 

Note 10. 

" I saw General Hull riding on horseback, and 
cast my eye upon his countenance ; his voice appeared 
cool and collected ; I saw him ride off; I saw nothing 
like agitation ; my reason for looking particularly at 
the General's countenance was, because there was. 
a clamour that he was intiniidated." — Captain Max- 
well's testimony, Hull's Trial,, p. 128. 

Note 11. 

" The General's situation was a critical one. He- 
had a great deal of responsibility, and great care on 
his mind, if he had any feelings. I saw nothing in 
his conduct but what might be accounted for without 
recurring to personal fear." — Major Munson's testi- 
mony, Hull's Trial, p. 13K 

Note 12.. 

Question by General Hull to witness — " How did 
1 appear on that morning (of the surrender) ? 

Answer. " You appeared perfectly tranquil and 
collected." — Testimony of Colonel Watson,, Hull's. 
Trial, page 149. 



APPENDIX. 423 



Note 13. 



The following account of the Court Martial is by 
General Hull. " Young General Dearborn has pub- 
lished the names of the officers who composed the 
Court Martial, with his father at the head, as Presi- 
dent. It required two-thirds only of the members to 
pronounce the sentence. It is very certain that it 
was not unanimous, as it is said, ' two-thirds of the 
members agreed to it.' Had it been unanimous, it 
would have been so stated. It must be evident that 
a part of the Court were opposed to it. I should be 
happy, indeed, were it in my power to designate the 
characters who were only influenced by disinterested 
and honourable motives. 

" I have stated the reasons why I did not object 
to the President or any of the members of this 
Court Martial. I had been much more than a year 
a prisoner in arrest ; w^as conscious of having faith- 
fully done my duty, and in my official communication 
to the Government requested an investigation of my 
conduct. It had been delayed in an unprecedented 
manner, during this long time, and I believed, had I 
made objections to the President, or any members of 
the Court, it would have caused further delay. Be- 
sides, most of the members of the Court were stran- 
gers to me ; men whom I never before had seen, and 
whose names I had never heard, excepting General 
Dearlx)rn, General Bloomfield, Colonel Fenwick, 
Colonel House, and Lieutenant-Colonel Conner. 
By examining the list, published by young General 



424 APPENDIX. 

Dearborn, you will perceive the other members be- 
longed to new raised regiments, which did not exist 
during the campaign of 1812. Thej were appointed 
to regiments numbered from thirty-two to fortj-two. 
They had no military rank at that time. 

"It is well known that officers were selected to 
form these additional regiments, from the most violent 
partisans of the Administration, and this alone was a 
sufficient qualification. Officers of this description 
constituted a majority of the Court. They were 
pledged to any measures which the Administration, 
my persecutors, wished. With respect to General 
Dearborn, the President, the deep interest which he 
had in the issue of the trial, has been presented to 
you. General Bloomfield was a meritorious officer 
of the Revolution, and served with credit to himself^ 
He was an amiable and much respected citizen at the 
termination of the Revolutionary war, and I believe 
retained the esteem of society to the close of his life. 
Colonel Fenwick and Colonel House, I have ever 
believed, were governed by the purest and most 
honourable motives, and were under no other influ- 
ence than a sense of duty. Lieutenant-Colonel 
Conner received his commission about the time that 
General Dearborn was appointed the first Major- 
General. He was in his family, and one of his Aids. 
But a short time before the Court Martial w^as or- 
dered, he was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant- 
Colonel, by the same patronage, and selected as a 
member of the Court for my trial. To the President 
of the Court Martial he owed both his first appoint^ 
ment and his sudden promotion." 



APPENDIX. 425 



Note 14. 



Major Bannister's letter to General Wade Hamp- 
ton (the latter having been appointed, in the first in- 
stance, the President of the Court Martial on the trial 
of General Hull, to convene in 1813 ; but the Court 
did not meet, it having been superseded by another 
Court, with General Dearborn as President, which 
met in February, 1814, at Albany — Hull's Trial, Ap- 
pendix, page 1) is as follows: 

"Brookfield, February 17th, 1813. 

"Mr. President: — Having learned that my 
war-worn companion in arms. General William Hull, 
is called upon to answer to some of the highest 
charges which can be preferred against a military 
character, and that you, sir, are the President of the 
Court before whom he is to be tried,! take the liberty 
of addressing to you a few observations on the sub- 
ject, which are dictated by the interest I feel for ray 
country, as also the reputation and character of my 
friend, who stands highly criminated before you. My 
first acquaintance with General Hull was in times the 
most unfortunate — ' the times that tried men's souls.' 
The services which he rendered to his country during 
the Revolutionary war, ought not to be forgotten. 
He was then young, active, brave and faithful ; high 
in the estimation of his superior officers, and respect- 
ed even by his enemies, for his fidelity to his country. 
I will not unnecessarily take up your time, in de- 
tailing the innumerable hardships, fatigues, privations 
and sufferings to which we were subjected, during 



426 APPENDIX. 

the worst of times. It is sufficient for my purpose 
on this occasion, to notice particularly the cajJture of 
Burgoyne, and the well known battle of Monmouth. 
In these two memorable events, where the ground 
was covered with the dead bodies of the slain, and 
the air resounded with the groans of the dying, Hull 
was unshaken. He bravely fought, and a grateful 
country acknowledged his bravery. I was then Bri- 
gade-Major to General Learned, in whose brigade 
General Hull was a Major, in Colonel Brooks's Re- 
giment. The welfare of his country was apparently 
as dear to him as his life ; but if he has now fallen, 
he has fallen indeed. Having associated with him 
in limes so interesting, and in no other character than 
that of a brave man, I shall be unhappy to learn that 
he has terminated his patriotic career by meanly act- 
ing the coward, 

(Signed, SETH BANNISTER." 



General Heath's Certificate, Hulls Trial, Appendix, p. 2. 

" I, William Heath, of Roxbury, in the county of 
Norfolk, and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 
having served as a General Officer in the American 
Revolutionary war, from the commencement of 
hostilities on the 19th of April, 1775, until peace 
took place in 1783, herebj' certify, and on 7ny sacred 
honour declare (and to which I am ready to make 
solemn oath), that in the said war William Hull, 
now a Brigadier-General in the army of the United 
States, served as an officer in various places, in all 



APPENDIX. 427 

of which he sustained the character of a brave and 
good officer — possessed the particular esteem and 
confidence of General Washington, who was anxious 
for his promotion, as will appear from extracts of his 
letter to this deponent on that subject, which are 
exhibited herewith. That this deponent being in 
the immediate command of the American troops in 
the Highlands of New-York, on Hudson river, in the 
month of January, 1781, an enterprise was contem- 
plated against the enemy at Morrissania, the then 
advanced post of the British army, which enterprise 
was to be intrusted to the Lieutenant-Colonel Hull, 
now Brigadier-General Hull. The success of this 
enterprise was doubtful, in the opinion of General 
Washington, when it was communicated to him, as 
will appear by an extract of a letter from him here- 
with exhibited. But Lieutenant Colonel Hull, with 
the troops under his command, were successful. 
With great address and gallantry, they forced a 
narrow passage to the enemy, and with the loss of 
one subaltern, one drummer and ten privates killed, 
one captain, one sergeant and eleven rank and file 
wounded, completely defeated the enemy, and be- 
sides the killed took upwards of fifty prisoners, cut 
away the pontoon bridge, took a considerable quan- 
tity of forage, a number of cattle, &c., for which 
they were thanked in the public orders. This depo- 
nent during the Revolutionary war, having at differ- 
ent times had the honour to command the State lines 
of the army from New Hampshire to New Jersey, 
inclusive, and two brigades of more southern lines ; 



428 APPENDIX. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Hull sustained a conspicuous 
character as a brave, faithful and good officer. 

(Signed) WM. HEATH." 

" Roxhury, December 20th, 1813." 

Extracts of Letter's from General Washington, to Major 
General Heath, mentioned in the deposition. 

"Head Quarters, Morristown, Dec. 13, 1779. 

" The case between Major Hull and Major Cogs- 
well is of more delicacy and very important. Major 
Hull was not appointed by the State to the Majority 
in Colonel Jackson's regiment ; he was appointed 
by me at the intercession of several officers of the 
State line, and not without authority. He is an 
officer of great merit, and whose services have been 
honourable to himself and honourable to his country. 
1 was then persuaded, as I still am, that a good 
officer would, and ever will be, an object of the 
State's regard ; and there has been no injustice 
done to Major Cogswell. Perhaps by your repre- 
sentation you may be able to get matters put right, 
and I am sure you can scarcely render any more 
essential service than prevailing on the Honourable 
Assembly to preserve the arrangement inviolate, and 
to pursue the rules of promotion which have been 
established. In the case of Major Hull, he might, as 
I have been long since told, been arranged as Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel, on the Connecticut line, by the Com- 
mittee of Congress at White Plains in 177^." 



APPENDIX. 429 

On the Enterprise against the Enemy. 

"Head Quarters, New Windsor, Jan. 7, 1781. 

"You will be pleased to observe, on the subject 
of your letter of last evening, that although I am not 
very sanguine in my expectation of the success of 
the enterprise proposed, yet I think in our present 
drcumstances it will be advisable to encourage it. 
Colonel Hull may therefore have permission to make 
the attempt." 

" The foregoing are true extracts from the ori- 
ginals. 

(Signed) WM. HEATH." 

"Roxhurij, Dec. 20, 1813." 

Salmon HuhhelTs Certificate, HulTs Trial, Appendix, p. 6. 
" I, Salmon Hubbell, of Bridgeport, in the State 
of Connecticut, being duly sworn, do depose and 
say, that I was a Lieutenant in the 5th Connecticut 
Regiment of Continental Troops, and was acquainted 
with General William Hull, in the Revolutionary 
army, and always considered him a gentleman in 
every respect, as well as a brave and a good officer. 
He was in the attack on Stony Point, which took 
place in the morning of July 16th, 1779, under the 
immediate command of General Wayne ; (the mode 
of attack now before me) wherein is ordered that 
Colonel Meigs will form next in Febiger's rear, and 
Major Hull in the rear of Colonel Meigs, which will 
be the right column. The result speaks in the 
highest language for the good conduct of each officer 
and soldier. This deponent further saith that he did 



430 APPENDIX. 

aid and assist in said attack on Stony Point, and 
was therefore knowing to the conduct of General 
Hull therein. 

(Signed) SALMON HUBBELL." 

" Bridgeport, January 20, 1814." 

" Sworn to before me, Joseph Backus, Justice of 
the Peace." 



Deposition of Adjutant Tufts, Hull's Trial, Appendix, p. 1 

"Boston, Feb, 3, 1814. 
" To the President and members of the General Court 

Martial, sitting in Albany, for the trial of General 

Hull. 

"Gentlemen — Having been solicited by the 
friends of General Hull to state my knowledge of 
his character and conduct during the Revolutionary 
war, I have the honour of submitting the following 
particulars. I was with him as Sergeant-Major of 
the 8th Massachusetts Regiment at Ticonderoga, and 
in the same regiment at taking Burgoyne's army, 
and was with the regiment he commanded in taking 
Stony Point, and his Adjutant. 

" His character for courage and firmness on ail 
these occasions was unexceptionable ; and he was a 
good military man, and was universally esteemed by 
his brother officers, and beloved by his soldiers. 

(Signed) FRANCIS TUFTS." 



APPENDIX. 43] 

Certificate of J. Brooks, late Governor of Massachusetts, 
Hull's Trial, Appendix, p. 5. 

'• Boston, Feb. 4, 1814. 

" Having been requested by Brigadier-General 
Hull to state any information in my power to you, 
respecting his character as an officer, during the late 
Revolutionary War, I would observe, that I became 
acquainted with this gentleman in the month of 
February, 1776, and that from that time I was well 
acquainted with his character and conduct to the 
close of the war in 1783. During that period it fell 
to the General's lot frequently to meet the enemy in 
combat; and in every instance he acquitted himself 
much to his honour, and to the satisfaction of his supe- 
rior officers. No officer of his rank (as far as my 
knowledge of that subject will enable me to speak) 
stood higher in the estimation of the army generally 
than General Hull ; not only as a disciplinarian, and 
an officer of intelligence, but as a man of great enter- 
prise and gallantry. I can add, that he possessed in 
a high degree the confidence of General Washington. 
Notvviihstanding my long acquaintance with General 
Hull, as an officer, I never had an opportunity to 
witness his conduct in action more than once, al- 
though I have often seen him under circumstances of 
great danger from the fire of the enemy. 

"In the month of September, 1776, at White 
Plains, he acted under my immediate orders, and 
was detached from the line, with a company he then 
commanded, to oppose a body of light infantry and 
Yagers, advancing upon the left flank of the American 



432 APPENDIX. 

army. His orders were executed with great promp- 
titude, gallantry, and effect. Though more than 
double his number, the enemy was compelled to 
retreat, and the left of the American line thus enabled, 
by a flank movement, in safety to pass the Bronx. 
" With great respect I am, sir, your servant, 

(Signed) J. BROOKS." 

"To the President of the Court Martial, Albany." 

Certificate of Joseph McCaken, Hull's Trial, Appendix, 

page 6. 

" Albany, 17th February, 1814. 

" To the Court Martial appointed for the trial of 

General Hull : 

" I say, on my sacred honour, that I was a Cap- 
tain, in the year 1777, in Colonel Vanscock's Regi- 
ment, of the State of New-York ; that I served with 
General Hull in the year 1777, in the expedition un- 
der General Arnold, which relieved Fort Stanwix ; 
that I likewise served with General Hull in the cam- 
paign of 1778, and was with him in the battle of 
Monmouth, when I was wounded, and lost my arm ; 
that there was no officer of General Hull's rank that 
stood higher in my estimation, and, as far as I knew, 
in the estimation of the army ; that he was consider- 
ed as a brave and excellent officer. 

(Signed) JOSEPH McCAKEN, 

A Major in the New-York line in 1778." 



APPENDIX. 433 

Letter from John Stacy, a Revolutionary soldier, to General 
William Hull. 

"Harvard, 20th August, 1824. 
" General William Hull : 

u Siji^ — Permit a soldier of the Revolutionary 
war, who served six years previous to its close, and 
who is a native of the county of Middlesex, to con- 
gratulate you on the honourable testimony borne by 
General Heath and others, highly distinguished in that 
war, for your having acted so distinguished a part in 
our Revolutionary struggles. I am probably one of 
the few remaining who was under your command in 
the hazardous expedition at Morrissania, and I feel 
myself happy in living to this period, that I may wit- 
ness to the gallantry and address with which the en- 
terprise was effected ; not only as it respects the as- 
sault on the enemy in that place, but on the morning 
after, in decoying the enemy some miles from its 
lines, without any material injury to our troops, and 
until it came in contact with our reinforcements, which 
immediately checked the enemy and drove it back 
with considerable loss. We were nearly forty hours 
from our quarters and the whole time on the alert,, 
without any respite from duty. Well knowing the 
courage and enterprise of the commander on this 
occasion inspired every soldier with a noble ardour ; 
animated everyone to a prompt and cheerful per- 
formance of duty, and stimulated them to follow their 
leader, not knowing whither going or what the object. 

" Would to God, Sir, I could add one mite, to have 
your character as an officer and soldier, placed on its 

2S 



4^4 APPENDIX. 

proper basis ; and to have it entirely acquitted from 
what I consider, and I believe thousands of your 
fellow-citizens do also, the vile, wicked, and corrupt 
proceedings, that have been had against you, in con- 
sequence of the failure of the expedition against 
Canada in the late war, and that those who formed 
the scheme of your destruction, might soon feel the 
weight of their own iniquitous conduct. 

" From an old soldier, who still feels the high value 
of a soldier's reputation. 

(Signed) JOHN STACY." 



Letter from Daniel Putnam, Esq., Son of General Putnam, 
to General Hull. 

"Bkooiclyn, Ct., Sep. 2.5, 1824. 

" My dear Sir, — The renewal of a correspond- 
ence that has been suspended almost half a century, 
in all which time there has been little personal in- 
tercourse, is an awkward left-handed business, which 
one knows hardly how to begin. 

" Like a mariner without a compass on the track- 
less ocean, who steers his bark hy guess, and while 
he remembers where his home was, is ignorant of the 
course that will conduct him to it, so am I, alike un- 
certain whether any advance on my part can bring 
me back to your remembrance, with the kindness of 
olden time, and if any, how I shall set myself at 
work to make it most successfully. 

" If I advert to the season of youth, when under 
the appellation of ' Rebels,'^ and, as it were, with hal- 
ters about our necks, we were among the number 



APPENDIX. 435 

who opposed a powerful enemy and never quailed 
at his approach, why then, I know not how to asso- 
ciate a lofty spirit and a patriot heart with dishonour. 

" If I call to remembrance the laurels which then 
encircled your brow, ind the deeds of renown which 
drew forth the thanks of Washington in general or- 
ders, and those of Congress inscribed on their jour- 
nals, I recognize you as the gallant Colonel Hull, at 
the head of his partisan corps, and do not forget how 
I rejoiced in the well merited fame of my friend. 

" But when I heard of you in more advanced life 
as a general officer, at the head of an army destined 
for the conquest of an enemy's province, I doubted 
the extension of your fame, and feared for the safety of 
that which had already been acquired ; not that your 
valour was questioned, but because you had embarked 
without adequate means, in an enterprise where suc- 
cess was so necessary to conciliate public favour, and 
so indispensable to preserve the public confidence, 
that disaster, however unavoidable, must be attended 
with certain ruin. 

" When the news of your capitulation reached 
us, and the epithets of ' Coward,^ ' Traitor,^ Sic, 
were bellowed lustily from so many mouths, and rung 
long and loud in our ears, I thought, as I now think ; 
and when, after a long delayed trial, I read your de- 
fence before the Court Martial, and the cruel sen- 
tence of that Court, I marked you as the ' scape-goat ' 
on whose head the errors of others were laid, to di- 
vert the public indignation from their own ; but I 
never did believe your blood would be shed to expiate 
their sins ; it was a sacrifice too daring. 



436 APPENDIX. 

" It is the property of narrow minds, when in- 
flated with success, that they are commonly hurried 
on to deeds of arrogance ; and you have witnessed 
another attempt to consign another name to infamy. 
All that I can wish for you is, that yours may rise as 
far above the intrigues of your enemies, as that has 
done, above the imputations suggested by malice and 
envy. 

" It was thirty years after death, before the ven- 
omous dart was sped, and ere you shall have slept 
like time in dust, history will do you justice, and no 
recreant hand shall change the sentence. 

" Accept my best wishes for the peace and happi- 
ness of your remaining life, aild believe me your 
friend, 

(Signed) DANIEL PUTNAM." 
" General Wivi. Hull." 

Letter from Charles P. Sumner, Esq., to General Hull. 

"Boston, March 11, 1825. 

" Sir, — I p6rceive by the publications you have 
made in the course of the year past, in the ' States- 
man,' and in your pamphlet, that you are desirous to 
dispel the clouds that for a while seemed to rest upon 
your name. I therefore feel it my duty to express to 
you my humble opinion, that your Memoirs have had 
and are having the desired effect, of reinstating you 
in the good opinion of impartial and disinterested 
men : this is the effect, wherever I have had an op- 
portunity of hearing their opinion, and it is the effect 
on me, although I am one of those who had some 
degree of prejudice to your disadvantage. 



APPENDIX. 437 

" There are Oates and Bedloes in more countries 
than England ; and in other times than those of 
Charles II. ; and you have afforded an instance of the 
truth of a remark of Charles J. Fox, in his history of 
a short period previous to the English Revolution ; 
that one of the chief evils attendant on times of 
high political excitement, is the facility it gives a 
dominant party, to brand their rivals with opprobrium, 
and make even the records of the history of their 
country speak the language of malice and falsehood, 
couched in the forms of law. 

" I am unknown to you^ but there are thousands 
equally unknown, that are daily imbibing and recov- 
ering the most respectful sentiments towards you, 
and believe that your character will not suffer in the 
estimation of unprejudiced posterity by any compari- 
son that can be instituted between you and any of your 
more successful cotemporaries ; two of whom have 
so recently bid farewell to the smiles or frowns of 
men. 

" Whoever may be your survivor, I sincerely hope 
your sun may set in a cloudless sky. 

(Signed) CHARLES P. SUMNER." 

" General Wm. Hull." 



Letter from Roger M. Sherman, Esq., to General Hull. 

"Fairfield, Ct., March 21, 1825. 

" Dear Sir, — I cannot forbear expressing to you 
the great satisfaction I have derived from the perusal 
of your ' Memoirs of the Campaign of the North- 
western Army.' So far as I know the public senti- 



438 APPENDIX. 

ment, they are deemed a satisfactory and unanswera- 
ble vindication. Your proofs are conclusive ; and no 
mind, however prejudiced, accustomed to the weigh- 
ing of evidence, can resist the inferences you make 
from them. This remark is extensively verified in 
the circle of my own observation. I am happy 
that you possessed such ample means of doing an 
act of justice to yourself, your friends, and your 
country. 

" Please to accept from Mrs. Sherman and my- 
self, and present to Mrs. Hull and your family, assu- 
rances of our very sincere esteem. 

(Signed) ROGER M. SHERMAN." 
" General War. Hull." 



Letter from Dr. James Thacher {the historian) to General 

Hull. 

" Plymouth, April 4, 1825. 

" Dear Sir, — I have perused your Memoirs with 
great satisfaction. It has confirmed my conviction, 
and I have no doubt but it has had the same effect 
on every candid and unprejudiced mind. 1 am decid- 
edly of opinion, that justice and duty require that 
you should no longer estrange yourself from the so- 
ciety of your fellow-citizens and your compatriots, 
and I hope you will resume that standing with the 
public to which you are unquestionably entitled. 1 
expected to have seen you in our ranks, at our inter- 
view with General Lafayette. Since the much 
lamented death of our excellent and amiable friend, 
General Brooks, I have suggested to several of our 



APPENDIX. 439 

brethren, that you ought to succeed him as President 
of our Society (Cincinnati). Some few have ob- 
jected, and Dr. Townsend (our Vice-President) and 
Major Alden have been mentioned, and the result is 
uncertain. 

"I understood that you have received a letter 
from General Lafayette, and should be glad to know 
the purport of it. He has promised me that he will 
visit this town before he leaves the country, and I 
shall wait on him immediately on his arrival at Bos- 
ton. Being in Boston not long since, I was much 
gratified to learn, that you had written a Memorial 
to Congress, in favour of our Revolutionary claims. 
Some months ago, I addressed through the ' Centi- 
nel,^ the surviving officers on the same subject, and 
wrote to General Brooks, requesting his opinion re- 
specting a special meeting of our Society, to take the 
business into consideration, while the enthusiasm ex- 
cited by the presence of General Lafayette was in 
operation. At no period have the surviving officers 
been held in higher respect and more grateful recol- 
lection than the present, and never perhaps was 
public money appropriated more to the satisfaction of 
the people, than that for pensions and the grant to 
General Lafayette. 

" I cannot believe but Congress will be disposed 
to do justice to the few survivors, who are so fairly 
entitled to consideration, if a proper application 
should be made. I will thank you to forward to me a 
copy of your Memorial, if not too bulky for a mail 
letter, or inform me of the purport of it, and whether 



440 APPENDIX. 

you include the heirs of deceased officers and the 
soldiers. 

" I am your friend and very humble servant, 

(Signed) JAMES THACHER." 

" General Wm. Hull." 



Letter from the Honourable Horace Binney of Philadelphia 
to Mrs. Maria Campbell, a daughter of General Hull. 

"Philadelphia, March 4, 1841. 

" My dear Mrs. Campbell, — Your letter of 24th 
February gives me great pleasure, in the assurance 
that a grandson of General Hull is preparing himself 
to present to his countrymen that portion of our 
history which is particularly connected with the life 
and actions of his ancestor. It will be a worthy 
employment of his talents as a scholar, and an inter- 
esting record of his filial piety. 

" There are perhaps too many still living who are 
interested in sustaining the unjust sentence of the 
day, to permit us to hope for the universal acceptance 
of any work that shall bring it and them to reproach, 
by exposing the prejudices and party interests which 
led to it. But the truth, disj)assionately told, and 
sustained by evidence, is sure to triumph, sooner or 
later. It is one of the common incidents of our 
condition, a state of war between evil and good, 
that its triumph is frequently too late for the happi- 
ness of those we respect and love. 

" You ask me what I think about asking the 
Government for a revocation of the sentence of the 



APPENDIX.^ 441 

Court Martial. As this is a question which involves 
the opinions and sentiments of others, rather than 
myself, I should of course think it best to leave a 
decision upon it, until the work you speak of shall 
have appeared, and had its effect. 

" The want of regular and legal authority in any 
branch of the Government, to reverse such a sen- 
tence, will always be the refuge of such as may be 
opposed to the reversal, and can find no reasons 
against it in justice. Governments are, moreover, 
unwilling in general to record their own injustice, 
even when the injustice has been the work of party, 
and the party that perpetrated it has passed away. 

" You must be familiar with the case of Admiral 
Byng — the deepest stain I think upon the memory 
of Chatham, and the deepest disgrace of George II. 
and his ministers. Byng was sacrificed, without a 
solitary reason in his own conduct or character, and 
with no motive, but to screen the incompetency of 
the ministers of that day. Posterity has reversed 
the sentence, fully and unanimously. But there has 
been no other reversal of it. 

" After all, a reversal by the Government is a 
form. The true reversal is by the voice, and in the 
hearts, of the people. With those who know the 
case of General Hull, that reversal has, I think, been 
already pronounced. The thing to be desired by 
the personal friends of himself and his family is, to 
make that reversal the sentence of history. 

" How much I shall be gratified to see, to live to 
see, I may say, all your wishes attained on this, a 



442 APPENDIX. 

subject among the nearest to your heart, I need not 
say. 

" I am, my dear madam, 

" With great regard, your friend, 

(Signed) HOR. BINNEY." 

Letter from Colonel Trumbull to Mrs. Julia K. Wheeler, 
a daughter of General Hull. 

" New Haven, June 3d, 1841. 

" Madam, — I received in due time the letter of 
the 15th May, which you was pleased to address to 
me, accompanying the Memoir, written by your father, 
General Hull, which explains the events of the cam- 
paign of 1812. I am very much obliged to you for 
giving me this opportunitj" to know and understand 
the true history of that period, better than I did before. 

" The declaration and conduct of that war, i 
have always regarded as one of the least honourable 
passages of the American history, but I now view it 
with increased disgust, as a most disgraceful period 
of the grossest ignorance and misconduct ; and what 
is worse, a vile endeavour to divert public indignation 
from its authors and conductors, by a sacrifice of the 
reputation, and even life, of one of the bravest offi- 
cers of the Revolution. 

" I had not the pleasure of a personal acquaint- 
ance with your honoured father during the Revolu- 
tion, as we were employed in quarters distant from 
each other, but I always regarded him as one of the 
ornaments of the service. 

" With sincere respect, I have the honour to be, 
madam, your faithful servant, 

(Signed) JNO. TRUMBULL." 

" Mrs. Julia K. Wheeler." 



APPENDIX. 443 

Note 15. 
Robert Wallaces Account of the Surrender of Detroit. 

The following letter was published May 28th, 
1842, in the Licking Valley Register, at Covington, 
Kentucky, and was written by Robert Wallace, a 
gentleman who was one of the Aid-de-Camps of 
General Hull. This testimony to the character of 
General Hull is valuable, because it was given volun- 
tarily, without solicitation, and without communica- 
tion with General Hull's friends, who did not even 
know that Mr. Wallace was still living. It is a graphic 
and evidently correct account of the principal inci- 
dents of the campaign and surrender. 

The letter is here reprinted without alteration, 
except the omission of a single phrase, concerning 
Captain Hull, which might be misunderstood. All the 
remarks of Mr. Wallace upon General Hull's con- 
duct, whether favourable or otherwise, are given with- 
out alteration or comment. 



"HULL'S SURRENDER. 
" Mr. R. C. Langdon : 

" Sir, — In compliance with your request, and the 
solicitations of several other friends, I have written 
out, from recollection, a brief detail of circumstances 
connected with the surrender of Detroit in 1812. 
My situation as Aid-de-Camp, afforded every oppor- 
tunity for information, and lam satisfied that nothing 



444 APPENDIX. 

of any importance transpired in Hull's campaign 
without mj knowledge of the motive. 

" The prudence and despatch of our march through 
a wilderness, making our road through woods and 
swamps ; fortifying our camps, and guarding against a 
surprise from the Indians, inspired us with confidence 
in our old but experienced commander. His letters 
from the War Department urged him on, but our 
heavy wagons and constant rains retarded our pro- 
gress. On reaching the rapids of the Miami river, 
we found an American schooner bound for Detroit. 
Anxious to comply with his instructions. General 
Hull directed our surplus baggage to be shipped, and 
set an example to his officers, by sending his own 
trunks on board. His son, Captain Hull, (who was 
also an Aid,) in executing this order, unfortunately 
shipped a small trunk, containing the papers and 
reports of the army, for which he was afterwards se- 
verely reprimanded by his father. This circumstance 
was since considered an evidence of treachery, but 
without the least foundation whatever. On the fol- 
lowing night, in camp, we received the declaration of 
war. A council was immediately called, and an officer 
despatched with some men to intercept the schooner, 
at the river Raisin ; but the wind had been fair, and 
she had passed that river before our messenger reached 
its mouth. The British had received the news of 
war by the Lake, before it reached us, and the 
schooner was captured at Maiden. She had on board 
the most of our baggage, our hospital stores, our in- 
trenching tools, an officer and three ladies, belonging 



APPENDIX. 445 

to the 4th regiment, and a number of invalid soldiers. 
On the 4th of July we delayed at the river Huron to 
build a bridge for our wagons. We remained under 
arms all day, and in order of battle, being surrounded 
by Indians, and in sight of a British frigate full of 
troops. During that day it was remarked to me by 
several officers, that General Hull appeared to have 
no sense of personal danger, and that he would cer- 
tainly be killed, if a contest commenced. This was 
said, to prepare me for taking orders from the next 
in rank ; and I mention it to show their opinion of 
him at the time. 

" We encamped that night on an open prairie, 
without timlier to fortify, or tools to intrench. Our 
rear was protected by the river, our front and flank 
by fires at some distance from the lines. Picket- 
guards were posted, scouts kept in motion, and half 
the troops alternately under arms all night. All lights 
were extinguished in the camp but one that was for 
the use of the Surgeon, for we expected an attack be- 
fore day. 1 give this as a specimen of vigilance, 
which could never have been taken by surprise ; our 
camp and line of march were always in order of 
battle. 

" The extent of General Hull's instructions were, 
' to protect Detroit.' On our arrival there, most of 
our officers and men were eager to cross the line, 
which the General was not authorized to do, but on 
receiving permission, he moved over at the head of 
two regiments, and sent back his boats for the re- 
mainder. We looked for a warm reception, but a 



446 APPENDIX. 

feint towards Maiden on the previous evening had 
induced the enemy to retire to that post in the niglit. 
Our camp was fortified immediately opposite Detroit, 
where a council was held on the propriety of attack- 
ing Maiden without a battering train of artillery, 
which was not then in readiness. Some of our officers 
were willing to try the experiment, but a majority 
was opposed to the risk of assaulting a regular fort 
with raw troops, and without artillery to make a 
breach. Consequently it was determined that we 
should wait for the mounting of some heavy guns 
which lay at Detroit, and two floating batteries 
were prepared for their transportation by water. 

" This determination occasioned a delay of nearly 
three weeks, which proved most fatal to the results 
of the campaign. Had we been prepared for an 
immediate attack upon Maiden, our campaign would 
have been as glorious as it was otherwise disastrous, 
and the name of General Hull would have been ex- 
alted to the skies. 

" During this unfortunate interval, we subsisted 
in a great measure upon supplies obtained in Canada. 
Our own stock would not have sustained us, and all 
communication with our country was cut ofl". The 
romantic policy of our Government, in refusing the 
aid of our own Indians, turned them against us, cut 
off our supplies by land, and increased the strength 
of the enemy. 

"• A company of volunteers from Ohio, under Cap- 
tain Brush, arrived at the river Raisin with some 
cattle and flour. Four hundred riflemen, commanded 



APPENDIX. 447 

by Major Vanhorne, were sent to escort them to De- 
troit. This detachment fell into an ambuscade of 
Indians, and was routed with serious loss. About 
this time we received intelligence of the surrender of 
Mackinaw and Chicago, the only American forts above 
us on the Lakes, Two vessels came down, loaded 
with furs and American prisoners, under white flags, 
and expected to pass us in the character of cartels ; 
but they were captured and placed between our bat- 
teries at Detroit. Those surrenders let loose upon 
us all the Indians and Voyageurs of the upper 
Lakes. 

" About the 4th of August our guns were ready ; 
orders were given to prepare three days' provisions, 
to remove all surplus baggage to Detroit, and the long 
anticipated movement on Maiden was to have been 
made on the following day. Our troops conjectured 
that such was the intention, and were animated with 
the prospect of a decisive blow. But that night the 
unfortunate intelligence arrived, that a considerable 
force of British, Canadians and Indians, was coming 
upon our rear by an interior route. 

" Here a ruinous error was committed. Instead 
of making the attack on Maiden before the reinforce- 
ments of the enemy could arrive, General Hull order- 
ed a retreat to Detroit, leaving a small and imperfect 
fortification with three hundred men, to hold his 
footing on the Canadian shore, and prevent the bom- 
bardment of Detroit. After two or thtee days 
occupation, this miserable concern was abandoned. 
General Hull's instructions ' to protect Detroit,' 



448 APPENDIX. 

seemed ever uppermost in his mind, but he lacked the 
energy necessary to accomplish that object by vigor- 
ous operations against the enemy. His policy was 
altogether on the defensive. After our return to De- 
troit, another detachment of about 800 men, under 
Lieut. Col. Miller, was despatched to meet Captain 
Brush. They met a superior force of British and 
Indians at Brownstown, and after a severe engage- 
ment, drove the British to their boats ; but were too 
much disabled to proceed. At the solicitations of 
Colonels Cass and McArthur, those two enterprising 
officers were permitted to take the pick of their regi- 
ments and try the circuitous route of Wayne's old 
trace through the woods. They left Detroit on the 
14th of August, whilst a movement was made down 
the river bank, to deceive the spies of the enemy, and 
the detachment escaped their observation. Our pro- 
visions were now a subject of serious concern, and 
these circumstances show what prospect we had to 
replenish them. 

" When General Hull accepted the command of 
the Northwestern Army, he stipulated for the speedy 
possession of Lake Erie, and the most active opera- 
tions at its lower extremity. In all his correspond- 
ence with the War Department, and with Generals 
Dearborn and Hall at the lower end of the Lake, he 
continued to urge those subjects, but our Government 
was unprepared at every point on the Lakes. At 
this important crisis in the situation of Detroit, 
Dearborn entered into an armistice with General 
Brock (commander-in-chief of the enemy's forces), 



APPENDIX. 



449 



for thirty days, and excepted the command of General 
Hull from its operation.* 

" In this manoeuvre General Dearborn was entirely 
outwitted. Brock came up the Lake with every 
vessel, and all the forces he could muster ; and the 
first intimation we received of his arrival was, a sum- 
mons to surrender. On the morning of the fifteenth 
the messengers of Brock came over, and were de- 
tained some hours, under pretext of deliberation, but 
in reality to place ourselves in a better state of de- 
fence. Several attempts were made to recall the 
detachment under Cass and McArthur, which had 
marched the day before, but our spies reported the 
woods to be swarming with Indians, and they could 
not get out. The absence of Cass and McArthur, 
with perhaps 800 picked men, our deficiency of num- 
bers to protect the city on all sides, and our limited 
supply of provisions, were circumstances deeply re- 
gretted. Nevertheless, a firm and decided answer 
was given in about these words : ' I am prepared to 
meet the forces under your command, and all the 
consequences attending.' This reply had no sooner 
reached the opposite shore, than the batteries opened 
on both sides, and a scene ensued sufficient to astound 



* This statement of Mr. Wal- cross Lake Erie and attack General 

lace is in part erroneous. The ar- Hull with his whole force, which, 

mistice was entered into between but for the armistice, would havo 

Sir George Prevost and General been detained, in defence of the 

Dearborn ; the effect of which, how- post, he was, under the circum- 

ever, was to enable General Brock, stances, enabled temporarily to 

who was advised of the manoeuvre leave, 
of Sir George Prevost, at once to 

29 



450 APPENDIX. 

the senses of inexperienced troops. Still there was 
but little appearance of dismay. Steady determina- 
tion appeared to be the expression of almost every 
eye. On removing a frame building directly oppo- 
site the fort, a bomb-battery was displayed, and its 
shells were showered upon us in abundant profusion. 
Chimneys and every other object above the walls of 
the fort, were levelled with despatch, except the flag 
of our country. The stars and stripes still waved 
amidst the smoke, a thrilling appeal to every Ameri- 
can heart. Soon after dark the firing ceased, but 
was renewed with the dawn of day. Until the 
morning of the fatal 16th of August, I saw no flinch- 
ing in the countenance of General Hull. I had been 
with him both in and out of the fort ; his only appa- 
rent concern was to save our ammunition, for our 
long twenty-four pounders were consuming it very 
fast ; and I was sent repeatedly to the batteries with 
orders ' to fire with more deliberation.' 

*' About nine o'clock in the morning Captain Hull 
found some straggling soldiers in the town. He 
ordered them immediately to their post ; and seeing 
them disposed to hesitate, he pursued them on horse- 
back, sword in hand, to their regiment. Their 
Colonel having given them leave of absence, was 
exasperated, and made his way to the General, 
demanding the arrest of his son. The Captain soon 
made his appearance, and challenged the Colonel to 
fight him on the spot. This circumstance produced 
the first agitation that I discovered in General Hull. 
He begged me to take care of his imprudent son. 



APPENDIX. 451 

and he was confined to a room in the officers' quar- 
ters. 

*' Soon after this a more serious disaster occurred, 
which increased the General's agitation. A number 
of ladies and children, the families of officers on duty, 
occupied a room in the fort. General Hull's daughter 
and her children were among them. A ball entered 
the house, killing two officers, who had gone in to 
encourage their families. The ladies and children, 
many of them senseless, were hurried across the 
parade to a bomb-proof vault, which had been cleared 
out for them. The General saw this affiiir at a dis- 
tance, but knew not whom nor how many were 
destroyed, for several of the ladies were bespattered 
with blood. Other incidents soon followed. Several 
men were cut down in the fort, and two other officers 
received a ball through the gate. All this time the 
General was walking back and forth on the parade, 
evidently in a very anxious state of mind. Several 
propositions were made to him, all of which, I believe, 
he rejected. For instance, Brigade-Major Jessup 
proposed to cross the river, and spike the enemy's 
guns. I think he replied, it was a desperate experi- 
ment, and as the enemy was advancing, he could not 
spare the men from their posts. Captain Snelling 
proposed to haul down one of our heavy guns, to 
annoy the enemy, then three miles below the fort. 
He replied, that the slender bridge below the town 
would not support its weight, and the gun would 
surely fall into their hands, and be turned against us ; 
that the men were posted to the best advantage, and 



452 APPENDIX. 

he did not wish to move them. The gun alluded to 
weighed, with its carriage, about 7000 lbs. 

"General Hull was then at least sixtj-five years 
of age, and no doubt felt incapable of the bold exer- 
tions that his situation required.* He appeared ab- 
sorbed in anxious thought, and disposed to avoid all 
conversation. My duty required me to remain near 
the General, but seeing that he appeared to have no 
commands for me, I stepped across the parade to as- 
sist in the amputation of an officer's limb. Whilst 
occupied in this unpleasant task. Captain Burton, of 
the 4th regiment, passed me with a table-cloth sus- 
pended to a pike. I inquired what that was for. 
He hastily replied, ' It is the General's order,' and 
mounting one of the bastions, began to wave it in 
the air, I ran immediately to the General, and in- 
quired the meaning of the white flag. ' I ordered 
it, sir,' was the reply ; and facing about, he contin- 
ued his walk. The firing soon ceased, and mounting 
the breast-work I saw two British officers, with an 
American officer, all on horseback, approaching the 
gate. Thinking their entrance improper, I informed 
the General, and he directed me ' to keep them out 
of the fort.' I met and conducted them to the Gen- 
eral's marquee, which was still in the open camp. 
General Hull, with Colonel Miller, of the U. S. Army, 
and Colonel Brush, of the Michigan militia, made 



* This conjecture of Mr. Wallace day of surrender, he would be only 

is incorrect. As General Hull was 59 years and not quite two months 

born on the 24th of June, 1753 ; old. 
on the 16th of August, 1812, the 



APPENDIX. 453 

their appearance. The articles of capitulation were 
then drawn up and signed by Miller and Brush on 
our part, and by the two British officers on theirs. It 
was reported to General Brock, who shortly entered 
the fort, escorted by his advanced guard. Brock was 
shown into a room, in the officers' quarters, where 
Hull was waiting, and after settling some details, 
the capitulation was ratified by their signatures. 
While these matters were progressing, Captain Hull, 
awaking from a sound sleep, discovered the British 
grenadiers in the fort. Breaking through a window, 
he ran up unarmed and without a hat, to the com- 
manding officer, and demanded his business there 
* with his red-coat rascals.' The officer raised his 
sword to cut him down, but I reached them in time, 
to stay the blow, by informing the officer that the 
gentleman was partially deranged. He instantly 
dropped his arm, and thanked me for the timely in- 
terference. This same Captain Hull afterwards 
fought a duel, in defence of his father's reputation, 
and was at last killed at the head of his company, in 
a gallant charge at the battle of ' Lundy's Lane.' 
I mention these particulars, in connexion with a re- 
mark since made to me by Commodore Hull, that 
'• he knew his uncle was neither traitor nor coward, 
for there was no such blood in the family.' General 
Hull, discovering that the British had been permitted 
to enter the fort before the surrender was completed, 
remonstrated with General Brock, who apologized 
for the indecorum, and ordered his troops to retire. 



454 APPENDIX. 

Our troops were then marched out, in gloomy silence, 
and stacked their arms on the esplanade. When 
the British flag was raised the Indians rushed in 
from the woods — a countless number — yelling, firings 
seizing our horses, and scampering through the town 
like so many fiends. In addition to Tecumseh's 
band, and the Wyandotts, they had gathered in 
from all the regions of the northern lakes. The 
British regulars and Canadians, were about three 
thousand men ; but the number of the Indians 
could not have been known by General Brock 
himself. Our effective force was probably fifteen 
hundred ; about four hundred regulars, and the re- 
mainder volunteers and drafted militia.* Most of 
them would have fought with desperation, for there 
was no possible chance of escape. 

" We had every reason to suppose that the de- 
tachment under Cass and McArthur, was at the river 
Raisin, but to our surprise and mortification, they had 
returned of their own accord, having heard the can- 
nonade at the distance of forty miles. They were 



* In representing tlie effective after : " This detachment, and the 

force of General Hull at the time of company under Captain Brush, were 

the surrender at " probably fifteen included in the surrender, for their 

hundred," the author of this letter, preservation, as they might have 

RobertWallace, it will be perceived, been surprised and cut off by the 

evidently included the force to which Indians, of which we had no way to 

he refers on page 449, as being apprise them." But Wallace doe.s 

absent with Cass and McArthur, in not undertake to be precise as to 

his computation, and also that of numbers, and speaks from general 

Captain Brush, for he says soon recollection. 



APPENDIX. 455 

close in the rear of the enemy, at the time of the 
surrender, but without any possible means of commu- 
nicating their position to us. This detachment, and 
the company under Captain Brush, were included in 
the surrender, for their preservation, as they might 
have been surprised and cut off by the Indians, of 
which we had no way to apprise them. As it hap- 
pened, two or three British subjects, who had gone 
out with us, unwilling to fall into the hands of their 
former masters, made a desperate escape through the 
w^oods, informed Captain Brush of our disaster, and 
his party made a rapid retreat to the settlements. 
Cass and McArthur were soon apprised of their con- 
dition, and marched to Detroit. Our meeting with 
them was truly distressing. Cheeks that never 
blanched in danger, were wet with tears of agony 
and disappointment. Yet I saw no ranting or raving, 
such as I have since heard described. I heard but 
one officer abuse the General indecorously, and he 
had been extremely quiet and useless throughout the 
campaign. 

" A circumstance which has often been cited, as a 
proof of treachery on the part of General Hull, took 
place on the river bank, just before the surrender. 
Lieutenant Anderson, of the U. S. Artillery, had 
drawn his guns from behind our lower battery, charg- 
ed them with grape-shot, and pointed them down the 
road on which the enemy were approaching. When 
the first platoon of their column appeared, his men 
were eager to fire. Anderson forbid them, at the peril 



456 APPENDIX. 

of their lives, to touch a gun, without his orders, wish- 
ing to get the enemy in a fair raking position, before 
thej should discover their danger ; but the officer at 
the head of the column, perceiving the snare, gave 
notice to General Brock, who immediately changed 
the position of his troops, and advanced under cover 
of the thick orchards which stood between them and 
the fort. Anderson was said to have reserved his 
fire by the special order of General Hull, which I 
know to be false — for I had just delivered a different 
order, and was waiting by his side, to see the effect 
of his intended explosion. When the white flag was 
raised, this same Lieutenant broke his sword over 
one of his guns, and burst into tears. 

"After the surrender. General Hull retired to his 
own house, where he had lived Avhile Governor of 
Michigan. It was occupied by his son-in-law, Mr. 
Hickman, and his family. One of General Brock's 
Aids suggested to me the propriety of a British guard, 
to protect the General's house from the Indians ; to 
which I assented without consulting General Hull, as 
they had already seized our baggage in the street. 
This British guard, was considered another strong 
ground of suspicion ; but General Hull supposed it 
was sent to prevent his escape. 

" General Brock took up his quarters at a vacant 
house on the main street; Tecumseh occupied a part 
of the same building, to whom I had the honour of an 
introduction. He was a tall, straight, and noble 
looking Indian ; dressed in a suit of tanned buckskin, 



APPENDIX. 457 

with a morocco sword-belt round his waist. On 
being announced to him, he said through his inter- 
preter, ' Well, jou are a prisoner, but it is the fortune 
of war, and you are in very good hands.' 

"On the 17th, General Hull with his staff and 
the officers and soldiers of the regular army, were 
ordered on board the ' Queen Charlotte,' a frigate of 
thirty-six guns. While sitting in the after-cabin with 
General Hull, alone, he suddenly addressed me to this 
effect : ' My young friend, 1 remember a promise I 
made to your relatives at Cincinnati, that if it was 
within my power, to return you safe to them, it should 
be done. You, as a volunteer, are entitled to your 
parole, and 1 think you had better claim it.' Having 
a desire to see ihe world and perhaps obtain some in- 
formation that might be useful to my country, I de- 
clined the proposition, and told the General, I preferred 
to share his fortunes ; that I had been with him in 
prosperity, and would not desert him in adversity. 
The General was deeply affected, but, in a few mo- 
ments replied, ' that he regretted the necessity of our 
separation, but must redeem his pledge, and thought 
it inexpedient for me to remain a prisoner in my youth, 
perhaps for years, and the loss of time might be a 
serious disadvantage to me.' I was obliged to accede 
to his wishes. He then sent for Commodore Bar- 
clay, and claimed my privilege, to which that noble 
officer readily assented. He then wrote a certificate 
of my correct deportment, &c., while under his com- 
mand, in the form of a letter ; and when the boat 
was ready to convey me on board a merchant vessel, 



458 APPENDIX. 

bound to Cleveland, he pressed my hand for some 
moments, and then exclaimed, ' God bless jou, my 
young friend ! — you return to your family without a 
stain — as for myself, I may have sacrificed a reputa- 
tion, dearer to me than life, but I have saved the in- 
habitants of Detroit, and my heart approves of the 
act.' The Commodore insisted on a parting glass of 
wine, which we drank in silence, and I left the 
ship. 

" General Hull was a man of tender feelings and 
accomplished manners ; his hair was white with age, 
his person rather corpulent, but his appearance was 
dignified and commanding. In the army of the Rev- 
olution, he was esteemed a brave and gallant officer, 
which was attested by Washington and other distin- 
guished men ; and while upon his trial, the letters of 
those who survived, poured in, in his behalf. The 
man who led the attack on Stony Point, could not 
well be a coward ; Wayne would not have selected one 
for that desperate assault ; nor can I ever believe he 
was a traitor, — no man of his age could have mani- 
fested more general devotion to the service of his 
country. What then (you would ask) was the cause 
of his surrender ? I can answer this question ac- 
cording to my own impressions. 

" First. It was the want of preparation when the 
war commenced. Had our guns been mounted, we 
should have taken Maiden without delay, which 
would have kept the Indians quiet, and turned the 
whole tide of events in our favour. It was General 
Harrison's opinion, that 'Hull's army must be sacri- 



APPENDIX. 459 

ficed, for the want of communication with his coun- 
try.' It was Perry's victory on the Lake, that cap- 
tured Maiden and restored Detroit. 

" Second. It was the want of co-operation at 
other points, to prevent the concentration of the 
enemy at Detroit. The armistice of Dearborn was 
a finishing touch to us. 

" Third. It was the want of that energy and en- 
terprise which a man may have in the prime of life, 
but which is seldom retained, in civil life, at the age of 
sixty-five. 

" Fourth. It was his fatherly attachment to the 
citizens of Detroit, whose Governor and protector he 
had been for years, and knew them personally, man, 
woman, and child. 

" Hull might have defended the fort while his pro- 
visions held out, but whether the inhabitants of De- 
troit would not have been butchered, on the night of 
the 16th, is a question 1 cannot answer. Perhaps 
the more immediate cause of the surrender, was the 
absence of Cass and McArthur. He had the utmost 
confidence in Colonel McArthur, as a brave executive 
officer ; and in Colonel Cass as an intelligent and able 
adviser. Had they been present with their men, or 
had we even known their position, there would pro- 
bably have been no surrender at that time. 

"The cry of traitor spread among the soldiers, and 
it became a popular cry through the country. But I 
have not met with a field officer of that army, who 
believed there was treason in the case. General 
Cass has since declared to me, that he thought the 



460 APPENDIX. 

main defect of General Hul!, was ' the imbecility of 
age,' and it was the defect of all the old veterans, 
who took the field in the late war. A peaceful gov- 
ernment like ours, must always labour under similar 
disadvantages. Our superannuated officers must be 
called into service, or men without experience must 
command our armies. 

" It may be supposed, that I am a little partial to 
my old commander, who treated me with all the 
kindness of a father ; — but he is long since dead, and 
I have no inducement to disguise the truth or to 
cover his defects. I was not examined at his trial, 
and 1 will state the circumstances that prevented me. 
When the trial was first ordered at Philadelphia, I 
attended, but it was postponed for ten or twelve 
months, and afterwards held at Albany, in New-York. 
Having changed my residence, my summons did not 
reach me until the trial had commenced, and I arrived 
there just in time to hear the closing speech of Mr. 
Van Buren, who was Prosecutor on the occasion. I 
remember his identical words in relation to the prin- 
cipal charge ; viz., ' The charge of treason is not 
only unsupported, but unsupportable, and from that 
charge General Hull is entirely acquitted.' Hull was 
condemned for cowardice and sentenced to be shot, 
but recommended by the Court to the mercy of the 
President, on account of his Revolutionary services. 
The President remitted the sentence, but dismissed him 
from the army. He afterwards wrote a defence, which 
was so highly approved in Boston, that a public din- 
ner was tendered him, as an evidence of their appro- 



APPENDIX. 4gJ 

bation. My situation with General Hull was thrown 
up to me in a taunting manner, bj a distinguished 
editor in Louisville, during the glories of 1840. I 
paid no attention to it then, but will now remark, 
that the appointment was eagerly sought for by older 
men than myself, of the first respectability, who 
would then have been proud to have taken my 
place. 

" The result of the campaign was a sore disap- 
pointment ; but I served my country faithfully, with- 
out pay or reward ; lost my horses and equipage into 
the bargain, and have never regretted the sacrifice. 
If this brief sketch affords amusement to your 
readers, or adds one mite to the truth of history, I 
shall be satisfied. 

" Respectfully yours, 

(Signed) ROBERT WALLACE." 



Note 16. 

Letter respecting the destitution of the country in 1812, and 
the huilding of Perry's jieet. 

[The following letter has been kindly communi- 
cated by a gentleman who has resided for many 
years in Western Pennsylvania, and who was well 
acquainted with the transactions in that region in 
1812. Its details concerning Perry's efforts to pre- 
pare his fleet, will be found to be especially inter- 
esting.] 



462 APPENDIX. 

"Meadville, April 6, 1846. 

" My dear Sir, — You ask me to give you my 
recollections as to the state of destitution in which 
the country found itself, when it was soimprovidently 
involved in war in 1812, and as to the mismanage- 
ment of matters during the continuance of the con- 
test. This I will cheerfully do, premising, however, 
that, from my local situation, most of my information 
was necessarily derived from public papers, discus- 
sions in Congress, or from hearsay ; and further, that 
I am speaking of matters which occurred upwards of 
thirty years ago. The facts, however, to which 1 
shall advert, may perhaps be of use to you, in leading 
you to a more extended inquiry in regard to them. 

" Seldom had a nation better cause for going to 
war than we had in 1812. Our seamen impressed; 
our commerce interrupted ; our vessels captured and 
condemned, and one of our public vessels attacked, 
and some of the crew taken out of it ; in one word, 
every injury and insult was offered us which a 
haughty, overbearing nation could offer to a weak 
and enduring one. England knew our national im- 
becility, and, presuming on that knowledge, thought 
that she could play the bully with impunity. This 
was one of the main causes which led to the war of 
1812. 

" Mr. Madison and his cabinet were fully sensible 
of the unpreparedness of the country, and wished to 
avoid war. They made no preparation for a coming 
contest, either by an augmentation of the army or 
navy, or by a repair of our forts, or by filUug our 



APPENDIX. 453 

arsenals. It appeared as if the Government intended 
to keep down the war-spirit, bj keeping the country 
in a state of utter destitution. If so, they were mis- 
taken. It is said that the war party in Congress 
presented to the Administration the alternative either 
of war, or of their (the war-party) opposing the Ad- 
ministration, and Mr. Madison's re-election. Unfor- 
tunately Mr. Madison preferred his popularity ; and 
we were hurried into a war in such a state of total 
unpreparedness, that the commercial portion of the 
community would not believe that such an act of 
insanity was possible, until war was actually de- 
clared. If Mr. Madison, even at the opening of the 
session of 1811-12, had recommended to Congress 
to prepare the country for war, and had refused to 
declare war until the country should be prepared for 
it, I feel confident that the war would have been 
avoided. England did not wish to go to war ; she 
only presumed on our forbearance. The moment 
she found we were in earnest, she repealed her 
orders in council, one of the most objectionable of 
her aggressions. 

" I shall now mention a few instances of the unpre- 
paredness of the country, when war was declared, in 
1812. 

" During the administration of the elder Adams, a 
small navy was created, consisting of a few frigates, 
and some smaller vessels. On Mr. Jefferson's coming 
into power, two of the frigates (perhaps some other 
of the public vessels) were sold, and the public money 
was wasted in building gun-boats, a Jeffersonian 



464 APPENDIX. 

philosophical experiment, which proved worse than 
useless. I am not aware that a single shot was fired 
from one of these e;un- boats (unless it were at or 
near New Orleans) during the whole course of the 
war. In 1804 our small naval force was still further 
diminished by the loss of the frigate Philadelphia 
(one of the finest in our navy), which was wrecked 
near Tripoli, and afterwards burned. None of these 
defalcations were supplied by the substitution of other 
vessels. 

" But I shall pass to the situation of the naval 
force on Lake Erie, as being more intimately con- 
nected with the object of your inquiry. 

" During the administration of the elder Adams, 
a vessel of war was built (bearing his name), which, 
at the time, gave us the command of Lake Erie. To 
judge of the importance of having the command of 
that Lake, we must take into consideration the situa- 
tion of the country bordering on it. That was, pre- 
vious to 1812, with few exceptions, an unbroken wil- 
derness, yielding no supplies. All the provisions, and 
most of the warlike stores, for the forts on the Lakes, 
Detroit, Michilimackinac, Chicago, and I believe 
even Niagara, were drawn from the neighborhood of 
Pittsburgh, ascended the Alleghany river and French 
creek, and were shipped at the port of Erie for their 
several places of destination. The three first-named 
forts were totally dependent on the navigation of the 
Lakes for their supplies. That cut off, and these posts 
became, in a great measure, untenable. The Gov- 
ernment appears to have been aware of this fact, but 



APPENDIX. 465 

no adequate measures were taken to secure the com- 
mand of the Lakes. No new vessels of war were 
built there. The only thing done was to haul up the 
Adams, in order to have her lengthened, so as to ren- 
der her better able to cope with the English war 
vessels on the Lake. But such was the improvidence 
of our Government, that the Adams was yet on the 
stocks when war was declared. She was, I believe, 
subsequently launched — fell into the hands of the En- 
ghsh at the surrender of Detroit — was cut out from 
under Fort Erie, Upper Canada, by Captain Elliott, 
and was, on that occasion, wrecked on the rocks in 
the Niagara river. The English having thus the un- 
disputed possession of Lake Erie, and the upper 
Lakes, the fate of the upper posts was sealed. 
There were then no roads connecting these posts 
with the settled parts of the country, by which sup- 
plies could be obtained. The communication with 
Detroit, (the only one of these posts which might be 
supplied by land,) was, by reason of intervening 
swamps, forests, and rivers, so difficult, as to be easily 
cut off by an enemy ; and hence Messrs. Cass and 
McArthur, who, with a considerable force, were sent 
to bring provisions to the Fort, did not bring them, 
because the enemy would not let them. When in 
1813, Harrison's army penetrated to Fort Meigs, it 
was with the utmost difficulty, and at an immense 
expense of money, that its most indispensable wants 
could be supplied, and yet the only existing obstacle 
arose from the badness of the roads and the distance 
of transportation. But the worst part of the road to 

30 



466 APPENDIX. 

Detroit was situated north of the Manmee river ; 
and that portion of the road, from its contigiiit)' to 
the Lake and to Maiden, was constantly liable to in- 
terruption by the enemy. Hence Harrison could 
never advance beyond the Maumee, until Perry's 
victory gave us the command of the Lakes. He then 
easily advanced — invaded Canada — defeated and 
captured the whole of the British force, and then 
stopped short in his career of conquest, having by 
that time probably become sensible, that the project 
of conquering Canada by the way of Detroit, was a 
most miserable military blunder. 

" It is perfectly clear that all our early disasters 
on the upper Lakes were to be attributed to the En- 
glish having the command of the Lakes ; and that, if 
the Adams had been fitted out in time, and perhaps 
another vessel of war added, so as to give us the de- 
cided superiority on the water, the loss of Detroit 
and Michilimackinac, and the massacre of the garri- 
son of Chicago, would not only have been prevented, 
but we should also have saved the enormous ex- 
penditures attendant on Harrison's campaign, and 
the fitting out of Perry's fleet on Lake Erie. 

"To the gross error of not securing a naval supe- 
riority, was added the neglect of putting our military 
posts in a proper state of defence, and of furnishing 
them with ample supplies. I was told that the 
works of all these posts were in a state of dilapida- 
tion, and that even the gun-carriages at Detroit were 
unfit for service, and had to be repaired, or replaced 
by new ones, before the guns could be used. On 



APPENDIX. 457 

this point, the papers of General Hull will probably 
give you more correct infonnation. 

" But a far more guilty piece of negligence, was 
the omission to give the commanders of the different 
posts timely notice of the intended declaration of 
war. Instead of getting the information of the de- 
claration of war from their own Government, they 
learned it through the enemy ; and the consequence 
was, that Michilimackinac was surprised before it was 
known that there was war ; that a part of the baggage 
of Hull's army was ca[)tured ; and that the garrison 
at Chicago, which ought either to have been ade- 
quately strengthened, or withdrawn in time, was mas- 
sacred by the Indians immediately on leaving the 
fort to fall back on Detroit, as they had been directed 
to do. The loss of Mackinaw and Chicago removed 
every check on the incursion of the western Indians, 
and their operations soon rendered the comnumication 
between Detroit and the settled portions of Ohio 
impracticable, and thus the fate of that j)ost, and of 
Hull's army, became unavoidable. The latter de- 
feated the Indians at Maguaga ; they might perhaps 
have beaten the English under General Brock, but 
this could only postpone iheir fate, not avert it. Cut 
off from all intercourse with those points from which 
their supplies were derived, they must either starve or 
surrender, there was no third alternative. 

" The impracticability of General Harrison's 
penetrating beyond the Maumee, and the enormous 
expense incurred in suppljing his army there, that 
he might cover that section of country against the 



468 APPENDIX 

enemies, at length convinced the Government of the 
absolute necessity of obtaining the mastery of Lake 
Erie ; and in the spring of 1813, the construction of 
a fleet was commenced at the port of Erie. This 
fleet was to consist of two brigs, carrying twenty 
guns each ; three gun-boats, and an advice-boat. No 
previous preparation had been made for the building 
and equipment of this fleet. On the 1st of April, 
1813, nearly all the timber used for the construction 
of this fleet, was still standing in the forest. This, 
however, was on the spot, but all the other materiel 
for this fleet, such as cordage, blocks, anchors, guns, 
ammunition, &c., had to be brought from a distance, 
most of it from Philadelphia. To form some idea of 
the trouble and expense attending the transportation 
of this materiel, you must recollect that at that time 
the turnpike from Philadelphia westward, extended 
only to Harrisburgh ; that from thence to Pittsburgh, 
a distance of 200 miles, the road, particularly in the 
mountains, was very rough ; and that from Pittsburgh 
to Erie, a distance of about 130 miles, the roads being 
common country roads, were very soon so cut up by 
the heavy hauling on them, as to become nearly im- 
passable. To give some idea of the expense of 
transportation I would observe, that previous to the 
war of 1812, and after the close of it in 1815, the 
expense of transportation from Philadelphia to Mead- 
ville, might be computed at 12| cents per pound. If 
we now add to this the 37 miles increased distance 
from Meadville to Erie, and make due allowance for 
the increased expense during a state of war, and take 



APPENDIX. 4g9 

also into consideration that in the hauling for the 
public there were no return freights, 1 think we shall 
not be far wrong in estimating the expense of trans- 
portation from Philadelphia to Erie at about 20 cents 
per pound. 

The officer selected to superintend the construc- 
tion of this fleet, and to command it, was Oliver H. 
Perry, a young man of about 27 years of age, and 
then a Master-Commandant in the navy. Happily 
for the West, a more judicious selection could hardly 
have been made. To a sound practical judgment, 
Perry joined an uncommon degree of energy, and 
an untiring industry, and these enabled him, with 
very inadequate means, to have his fleet ready for 
service in August, and to achieve, on the 10th Sep- 
tember 1813, the memorable victory, which will hand 
his name down to posterity. Most people in this 
country know Perry only as the hero of the 10th of 
September. This is doing him great injustice. 1, 
who was intimate with him, and was acquainted with 
the difficulties he had to contend with in the equip- 
ment of his fleet, always considered that he showed 
more real greatness by the courage with which he 
bore up under these difficulties, than by his victory.. 
To form some idea of Perry's situation, you must 
know that, up to the end of August, he had under 
him but a single commissioned officer (the present 
Capt. Turner), then a young man without experience, 
and who had but recently been commissioned. The 
rest of Perry's officers were young midshipmen. 
Just previous to the action, Capt. Elliott (then a 



470 APPENDIX. 

Master-(/ommandant) Joined the fleet, and this made 
three commissioned officers to a fleet of six vessels of 
war. 

In point of men, Capt. Perrj's means were still 
more deficient. The marines for the fleets furnished 
by the Government from the Depot at Washington, 
consisted of a Capt. or Lieut. (Brooks, killed in the ac- 
tion), and of a Sergeant, a drummer, and a fifer. Two 
or three men were recruited on the route to Erie, and 
the rest of the marines had to be recruited at Erie. 
As to sailors, Perrj's means were also greatly defi- 
cient. By one of those arrangements so common 
during the war in question, the expediency of which 
it is difficult to reconcile with common sense. Perry 
was put under the orders of Chauncey, the Com- 
mander of the naval force on Lake Ontario, and 
all the supplies of men, intended for Lake Erie, 
wherever enlisted, were in the first instance sent to 
Sacket's Harbour. The consequences were such as 
might have been expected. So long as men could 
be used on Lake Ontario, to fill up the crews of the 
vessels there to their full complement, none were 
sent to Perry, and when any were sent, they were 
the refuse of the drafts. Captain Elliot stated sub- 
sequently, in my presence, that, serving at that lime 
on Lake Ontario, he had himself had the picking of 
the men to be sent to Lake Erie, and that none were 
sent but the worst ; and that if he could then have 
foreseen that he himself should be sent to Lake Erie, 
his selections would have been very difierent. Perry, 
in a letter to the Secretary of the Navy, expressed 



APPENDIX. 47 1 

some surprise that so large a portion of the prime 
New England sailors, enlisted in the cities, should 
be turned into negroes and mulattoes before they 
reached him ; but acknowledged himself grateful for 
getting even such. And well he might be so, con- 
sidering how alarmingly deficient he was in men. 
After the six vessels, built at Erie, were all launched, 
and while he was fitting them out, he had but about 
a hundred men, of which, from sundry causes, a large 
number were on the sick list. As all fit for duty had 
to work hard the whole day in fitting out the fleet, 
tiiere were no spare men to row even a single guard- 
boat, to give notice of any night attack which might 
be made on the fleet. An English fleet of five ves- 
sels of war was at that time cruising oflt^ the harbour, 
in full view. That fleet might, at any time, have sent 
its boats, during a dark night, and the destruction of 
the whole American fleet was almost inevitable, for 
Perry's force was totally inadequate to its defence, 
and the regiment of Midland Pennsylvania Militia, 
stationed at Erie expressly for the defence of the 
fleet, refused to keep guard at night on board. ' I 
told the boys to go, Captain,' said the worthless 
Colonel of this regiment, in excusing himself for not 
sending a guard on board, ' 1 told the boys to go, but 
the boys won't go.' 

" In this state of destitution Perry was left for 
weeks; and a more trying one cannot well be im- 
agined. Intrusted with the command of an impor- 
tant squadron, for the safety of which he was held 
responsible, without being furnished with the means 



472 APPENDIX. 

to defend it, he never could go to sleep with the 
reasonable certainty that before morning his fleet 
would not be destroyed, and his reputation and pro- 
fessional prospects be blasted for ever ; for he knew 
well enough that, in case of any accident, he would 
be made the scape-goat. 

" Under these trying circumstances Perry con- 
stantly* bore up with a constancy and fortitude which 
excited my admiration more than did his subsequent 
victory. I never knew his fortitude to forsake him 
except once, and then his despondency was only 
momentary. He had been promised that, by a cer- 
tain day, Chauncey would be at the head of Lake 
Ontario, and land there the men necessary to man 
Perry's fleet. Perry had sent an officer to receive 
this detachment, and to conduct it to Erie. He was 
elated with the prospect of having his wants at 
length supplied ; and it was when his officer returned, 
and reported that Chauncey had been at the head 
of the Lake at the appointed time, had received his 
letter, and had sailed again down Lake Ontario 
without landing a man, or sending any answer, that 
Perry's fortitude, for a moment, appeared to give way, 
and that he complained bitterly to me of the state of 
abandonment in which his country left him. 

" When, ultimately, the vessels were ready to 
sail. Perry called on the militia for volunteers, to 
serve on board, while the vessels were getting over 
the bar at the mouth of the harbour, it being expected 
that he would be attacked during the slow process 
of getting the vessels over. After the vessels had 



APPENDIX. 473 

been got over, he again called for volunteers to make 
a short cruise with him to Long Point, and the lower 
part of the Lake, in quest of the enemy. How 
many volunteers he obtained I do not now recollect, 
but among them was a rifle company, consisting of 
72 men from this neighbourhood. It was while Perry 
was absent on this cruise, that Elliott arrived at Erie 
with a reinforcement of 100 seamen. Thus rein- 
forced. Perry sailed up the Lake to Sandusky Bay. 
Here he got an additional supply of about 60 sailors, 
from some of the regular regiments in Harrison's 
army, and a considerable number of volunteers to 
serve as marines. Nothvvithstanding all these rein- 
forcements, Perry had, on the day of the action, on 
his own vessel, a crew of only 120 men, of whom 
about 20 were on the sick list. 

" From what I have said, it must not be inferred 
that Captain Barclay, Perry's opponent, was wanting 
either in courage or enterprise. He was a brave 
man, but placed, like Perry, under the orders of the 
commander on Lake Ontario, and, like his antago- 
nist, treated in the most nigo;ardly manner. 

" The mismanagement respecting the army was 
equally great. The officers appointed to the new re- 
giments were, with some exceptions, totally ignorant 
of all military knowledge. Too many of them were 
young men of dissipated habits, unfit for civil pur- 
suits or occupations ; or political brawlers who had 
recommended themselves to the Government by their 
noisy patriotism. The common men were mostly 
enlisted in taverns and beer-houses. At first, the en- 



474 APPENDIX.] 

listments were, if my recollection serves me, for 
three years, or during the war. As the difficulty of 
obtaining men increased, the bounty was increased, 
and the term of service shortened, until, at last, a heavy 
bounty was given to men who were enlisted only for 
nine months. A more ruinous system it would be 
difficult to conceive. As the recruiting stations were 
generally at a considerable distance from the scenes 
of action, and as at least a number of men must be 
collected at a depot before they could be sent off, the 
term of enlistment of these men was nearly, if not 
quite, expired, by the time they reached t!ie army. 

'' On the breaking out of the war, it became ne- 
cessary to furnish arms to the militia of this section 
of Pennsylvania. The Governor accordingly sent us 
a number of boxes filled with muskets, and their usual 
accompaniments from the State Arsenal. I was pre- 
sent at the unpacking of these guns, and never, I 
believe, in modern days, h^s such a collection been 
seen. In some, the touch-hole was so covered by the 
lock as to have no communication with the pan. In 
others, the touch-hole was half an inch above the pan 
when shut, and some had no touch-hole at all. Many 
of the barrels were splintered, or had other internal 
defects. In one word, the whole were useless until 
armourers were set at work on them, when a portion 
of them were rendered fit for service. 

" The militia of this section of Pennsylvania were 
repeatedly called out to march to Erie, though the 
object of the call was not always obvious, unless it 
were to let the officers earn some money ; for patriot- 



APPENDIX. 475 

ism then, as now, had a special care of number one. 
There never was a shot fired there. On some of 
those occasions the troops, on their arrival at Erie, 
were destitute of ammunition ; and on one occasion 
there were no flints. An Aid-de-Campof the Major- 
General was sent off on horseback to ilarrisburg to 
communicate this want to the Governor. The Gov- 
ernor went round among the stores in the town, and 
purchased what flints were to be had, puttins; them 
in his pocket as he purchased them. The Aid-de- 
Camp brought them in his saddle-bags to Erie. A 
supply might, in the same manner, have been obtained 
nearer Erie in one-third the time, and at half the ex- 
pense. 

"In 1812, a brigade of Pennsylvania militia, of 
about 2000 men, partly drafted men, but mostly vol- 
unteer companies, were assembled at Meadville, des- 
tined to reinforce General Smyth's army at Buffalo. 
I have seldom seen a finer collection of men, but they 
were rendered totally useless for want of proper offi- 
cers. The troops elected here their own superior 
officers. Tlie Colonels, with one exception, were 
totally inefficient, and the General, though I believe 
physically brave, was morally a coward, and dared 
not either to introduce proper discipline, or to enforce 
the few orders he issued. Hence that which might 
have been a fine, useful body of troops, was nothing 
but an armed mob. They remained lying here in 
camp for a couple of months, doing nothing. They 
were then marched to Buffalo, where they were left 
in the same state of inaction, until sickness broke out 



476 APPENDIX. 

among them, when some deserted, and the rest were 
dismissed, without any of them having seen an ene- 
my. Smyth had abundant means of invading Can- 
ada (the object for which he was at Buffalo), but I 
believe he was deficient in personal courage. He was 
a mere braggadocio. He kept constantly proclaiming 
that he would cross the Niagara river forthwith. Two 
or three times the troops for the invasion were actu- 
ally embarked, but were countermanded after remain- 
ing some hours in the boats. Once he appeared to 
have brought his courage to the right pitch. The 
troops were embarked in the evening. A party of 
sailors was sent over to storm the English battery. 
This was gallantly accomplished, though with some 
loss. Instead of crossing immediately, Smyth re- 
mained on the American side till morning. This 
gave time to the English to receive reinforcements 
from below. The i'ew men who had crossed were 
overpowered, and Smyth disembarked his troops. 
He was one of Uncle Sam's hard bargains. 

" If the military operations were badly managed, 
the fiscal affairs of the country were not managed 
better. Our fiscal system is defective, in that all our 
revenue is derived from import duties. The conse- 
quence is, that when at war with one of the large 
maritime powers of Europe, our revenue is diminished, 
because our importations are interrupted; and besides, 
this system does not admit of being extended so as 
to yield an increased revenue when wanted. It would 
be much better, both for the country and the revenue, 
to prohibit altogether the importation of all such ar- 



APPENDIX. 477 

tides as we can manufacture ourselves in sufficient 
quantity to supply the wants of the country, and then 
to lay a tax on the home manufactures. Such a sys- 
tem of revenue would be unaffected by war, and ad- 
mit of the necessary expansion when an increase of 
revenue was required. Thh per parenthese. 

" When war was contemplated, Mr. Gallatin, 
then Secretary of the Treasury, endeavoured to cool 
down the war party in Congress, by representing 
that war would render it necessary to resort again to 
a stamp act and tax on whisky, taxes which, on ac- 
count of former associations, were peculiarly unpopu- 
lar. But the war spirits were not thus to be deterred. 
They declared that the money to carry on the war 
was to be raised, not by taxing but by borrowing ; 
and Gallatin, who did not wish to risk his reputation 
as a financier on such a philosophical experiment, 
soon withdrew from the concern, and procured for 
himself a mission to France. 

" He was succeeded by G. W. Campbell, an 
honest, well-meaning man, I believe, but destitute of 
all fiscal talents. He tried the borrowing scheme, 
forgetting that to borrow there must be lenders, and 
that people are not inclined to lend to government 
unless the regular payment of the interest be secured 
by a permanent revenue. The result of this experi- 
ment was a rapid declination of the credit of the 
United States. I do not now recollect what was the 
precise price of stocks in each particular year of the 
war, but I know it kept constantly decreasing. In 
1811 United States stock was at 103^ per cent. In 



478 APPENDIX. 

1813, I took part in a loan at 88 l per cent. Stocks 
afterwards fell considerably k)vver, but 1 do not now 
recollect the worst terms on which money was bor- 
row(;d, but 1 think it was 78 a 80 per cent. A single 
fiscal blunder will show Mr. CampbelPs utter incapa- 
city. He made a contract with Mr. Jacob Barker 
for a loan of several millions of dollars, I think at 
85 per cent, but with a proviso, that if the Secretary, 
the next time he borrowed, had to ^ive more advan- 
tageous terms to the lender, Barker was to have the 
same terms for his loan. Barker's loan was, of 
course, divided among the chief money lenders of 
that day, and when the Secretary was obliged to go 
next into the market for a new loan, these moneved 
men had a direct interest to prevent his getting it, 
except on the most usurious terms. It has lately 
been stated in Congress, by Mr. Calhoun and others, 
that the United States borrowed money at, at least, 
30 per cent, discount. The fact is literally true, 
though as nominally the United States did not issue 
^100 scrip for ^70 in money, it may require some 
explanation. During the war, the southern and mid- 
land Atlantic ports were blockaded. The New Eng 
land ports became thus the main ports of importation 
and the foreign commerce of the country was through 
these ports. As our exports were greatly diminished, 
the goods imported had to be paid for in cash. This 
drained gradually, first the more distant parts, and 
afterwards those nearer to New England, of specie, 
and the consequence was a stoppage of all the Banks 
south and west ot New-York. This suspension of 



to 



APPENDIX. 479 

specie payments naturally caused a depreciation of 
their paper, and that depreciation was greater or less 
in proportion to the distance at which such Bank was 
situated from New England. Now it was in the de- 
preciated paper of such suspended Banks that the 
United States loans were paid. 

" During the progress of the war (I think chiefly 
after Campbell had left the Treasury), some direct 
and indirect taxes were imposed, but this return to 
common sense came too late, and was too inefficient 
to restore the fast sinking credit of tlie United States. 
In the latter part of 1814, we presented to the world 
the spectacle of a nation, whose resources were 
nearly untouched, and which was yet on the verge of 
bankruptcy, merely because its rulers had not had 
either the skill, or the moral courage, to call these re- 
sources into action. If the war had continued six 
months longer, the Government would probably have 
been in an open, declared state of bankruptcy. 

" Believe me ever most truly, your friend." 



Note 17. 

Letter from William Sullivan, Esq., to a Daughter of 
General Hull. 

"Boston, July 27, 1835. 

"Dear Madam, — I did not receive your letter of 
27th April until last evening. I well remember your 
father, as a visiter of my father, when I was a youth, 
more than forty years ago. 1 always considered him 
to be a personal and political friend of my father, and 



480 APPENDIX. 

as belonging to the Democratic or RejDublican party 
of the times which followed the adoption of the Na- 
tional Constitution. You know that, from 1789 to 
the end of the late war, the citizens of the United 
States were divided into two great parties — and all 
persons who were of importance enough to belong to 
any party, belonged to one or the other of them. 

" There were shades of difference amons; the 
members of these two parties, but not so distinct as 
to enable me to distinguish among individuals of that 
party, to which I did not belong myself. 

" If I were asked whether General Hull belonged 
to the Jeffersonian or Republican party, I should 
answer, that 1 think he did. If I were asked whether 
he approved of National Policy in Mr. Jefferson's 
time, in all respects, I should answer, that I had no 
opportunity of knowing that he disapproved of any 
of it. If I were asked whether he disapproved of 
National Policy in Mr. Adams' time, I should say, I 
think he did, because that disapprobation was com- 
mon to his party. What his peculiar views and opin- 
ions were in the tinoe of Washington (1789-1797), I 
know not. In all these times there was little room 
for compromising as to opinions. 

" The tyranny of party was as powerful then as 
it has been at any time since. Partisans on both 
sides were in full communion, and the neutral or the 
wavering were of no account. I think, therefore, that 
your father would be ranked among the distinguished 
men in Massachusetts, who were of the Democratic 
party, and thought and acted as they did : and what 



APPENDIX. 481 

they thought, and how they acted, is now matter of 
history. The precise line pursued by your father I 
cannot designate. I began to be in the Legislature 
in 1804. I do not remember to have met your father 
there. I saw him only when he came into Boston, 
and called to see my father in a friendly way, or on 
business. I have no remembrance of any conversa- 
tion on these occasions, which would indicate any dif- 
ference between your father's sentiments and those 
generally entertained by his party. I always enter- 
tained a high respect for your father, as he was al- 
ways, in my view, a courteous and honourable gen- 
tleman. 1 regarded his trial and condemnation as a 
State affair — and was gratified in any opportunity of 
showing a personal respect for him. 

" I have the honour to be, with great respect and 
esteem, your obedient servant, 

(Signed) WILLIAM SULLIVAN." 

"To Mrs, Maria Campbell." 



Note 18. 

Copy of a Letter from S. Hale, Esq. to Mrs. N. B. Hick- 
man, a daughter of General Hull. 

"Keene, New Hampshire, Sept. 27, 1847. 

" Madam, — 1 thank you for the ' Memoirs of the 
Northwestern Army,"* under General Hull, which 

* The " Memoirs of the North- of public opinion throughout the 

western Amtiy," above referred to, United States in favour of General 

were published by General Hull in Hull. 
1825, and produced a great change 

31 



482 APPENDIX. 

you were so good as to send me. That public senti- 
ment has been unjust to him, I do not doubt, and 
have never doubted ; and now, after having had my 
attention again fixed on the subject, and called to 
mind all I have read and heard, I am convinced that 
to others rather than to him, should the disasters of 
that campaign be attributed. I have no doubt of his 
patriotism, nor of his personal courage. 

" I am now convinced that the Administration of 
that day did not contemplate the conquest of Canada. 

" It is sad, my dear madam, to reflect how care- 
lessly and unjustly praise and censure are often dis- 
pensed in this world. 

" Very respectfully, yours, 

(Signed) S. HALE." 

" Mrs. N. B. Hickman. 



THE END. 



\ 



